Declaration of Fraternal Relations between the Party of the Dictatorship of
the Proletariat (Russia) and the International Workers' Committee

The Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (PDP) of Russia and the
International Workers' Committee (IWC) agree to this declaration of
fraternal relations as part of the necessary struggle to build a mass
international Marxist party of the proletariat as the world party of
socialist revolution.

>> I. Basic Agreement

The agreement between the International Workers' Committee and the Party of
the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, resulting thus far in this declaration
of fraternal relations, was the result of many months of discussions and
correspondence.  All during this time, the goals of both organizations were
the same: the building of links between workers of different countries with
the ultimate goal of building a democratic-centralist international party of
the proletariat.

The first concrete signs of a developing common agreement came in a letter
from the Council of the PDP on January 23, 2000 (see Appendix A). The letter
from the PDP expressed agreement with most of the positions put forward in
the Basic Principles of the Marxist Workers' Group (the principled basis of
the International Workers' Committee).  And, in those areas where there was
disagreement, the PDP expressed their commitment to further discussion.

>> II. Class, Party and Leadership

The development of capitalism in the last century has further clarified
class relations.  In the capitalist countries -- first in the imperialist
Great Powers (USA, Britain, France, Germany, Japan) and later in the other
capitalist states -- the process of liquidating the "old" petty bourgeoisie
and the development of the artificially-maintained "new middle class" has
meant that the possibility of sections of the petty bourgeoisie aligning
itself with an insurgent revolutionary proletariat has been qualitatively

The result was that, in the last quarter of the 20th century, the petty
bourgeoisie had transformed from an unstable class wavering between the
bourgeoisie and the proletariat to a stable class serving as a "buffer zone"
for the bourgeoisie.  The petty bourgeoisie as a class no longer wavers
ideologically, but serves the bourgeoisie as an appendage -- filling the
role of manager, bureaucrat, politician and judge, and freeing up the
bourgeois to pursue speculative adventures.

In the USSR and Eastern Europe, the entrenchment of a declassed bureaucracy
in the Kremlin acted as a transmission belt for the most reactionary
elements of bourgeois ideology into Soviet society.  The ideology that drove
the transformation of the petty bourgeoisie in the capitalist countries was
translated into the transformation of the intelligentsia and a wing of the
bureaucracy into an embryonic petty bourgeoisie.

However, not long after the consolidation of the "new" petty bourgeoisie was
initiated, a new current in the Marxist movement began to emerge.  Both the
PDP and the IWC represent in embryo this new Marxist understanding of class
relations in today's world.  Future collaboration between the two
organizations will strengthen the new movement to reclaim Marxism from the
petty-bourgeois and bourgeois "socialists" and "communists" and develop it
on a proletarian basis.

>> III. Unresolved Issue: The Class Nature of the USSR

The October Revolution was the most historically important event of the 20th
century.  For the first time, the proletariat seized power and held on to
it.  In the wake of the October Revolution, advanced workers around the
world rallied behind the red banner of the Bolshevik Party.

Both the PDP and the IWC reject the conception of the USSR put forward by
the "official Communist" movement that the USSR was "socialism."  As well,
both organizations reject the false assumption that the USSR was "state

Most importantly, both the IWC and the PDP agree on the fundamental tasks
facing the working class of Russia.  Both organizations recognize that the
proletariat of Russia must begin to organize itself as an independent
political movement.  We both warn the workers of Russia to beware of the
phony "Communist" organizations like the bourgeois-socialist "Communist
Party of the Russian Federation" and the petty-bourgeois neo-Stalinists.
Both the IWC and the PDP recognize that the new mass Marxist party of the
proletariat will emerge through the fusion of the most advanced layers of
the Russian working class with a proletarian Marxist organization.

But this is where the commonality of positions between the IWC and the PDP
diverge.  And much of this divergence results from the different traditions
of the two organizations.

The IWC comes from the tradition of Bolshevik-Leninism, best known in the
person of its leader, Leon Trotsky.  In this movement, the IWC sees the
continuation of the best political traditions and method of Lenin, the
Bolshevik Party and the early Communist International.  The IWC's
theoretical basis begins with the writings of Trotsky on the nature of the
USSR, namely The Revolution Betrayed and In Defense of Marxism.

The PDP comes from a "dissident Marxist" tradition unique to states like the
USSR.  The PDP believes that there is no movement that existed at the time
of their founding that adequately understood the changes in the USSR since
Lenin's time.  The PDP's theoretical basis for understanding the nature of
the USSR is written in The Second Communist Manifesto of Alexei Razlatsky,
which contends that the post-Stalin regime was a form of feudalism resting
on a collectivized economy.

Both the IWC and the PDP have agreed to continue studying each other's
documents on this question, and will attempt to clarify and resolve the
political differences that currently exist.

*          *          *

It is not by historical accident that the IWC and PDP have developed
fraternal relations.  Both organizations, though coming from different
traditions, have reached similar conclusions and developed a common general
viewpoint.  This is due to the proletarian composition of both
organizations, and our mutual commitment to understanding and elaborating
the Marxist method for the situation we face today.

In adopting this common declaration of fraternal relations, both
organizations commit to learning even more about each other through joint
discussion and work, while being fully conscious of the difficulties posed
by geographic distance, language barriers and differing political tradition.
Overcoming these objective problems will require conscious, mutual efforts.

Our perspective is for these fraternal relations to be the next step toward
the principled fusion of our two organizations, thus uniting our efforts in
the struggle for the world proletarian dictatorship and world communism. The
realization of such a fusion would represent a qualitative leap forward in
the development of an international Marxist party of the proletariat.

Approved by the PDP (, 5 April 2000
Approved by the IWC (, 6 April 2000


Appendix A:
Letter from the Council of the PDP to the IWC
January 23, 2000

Comrades, friends!

We have read the Principles by which the Marxist Workers' Group is guided.
First and foremost we must say: We are not simply glad, but also are
surprised up to what degree in many respects our views coincide! It is the
most common estimation, the most common impression that we have read.

But, unfortunately, your translation on Russian is not quite good (maybe
because a "machine" translation made it) -- therefore we not everywhere up
to the end have understood the text. We shall try, with what was translated
by our translator -- who is not in the city at present. Therefore while we
shall state our attitude on those points that are completely clear and clear
to us from translation, that at us is.

1. We completely agree with you that our ideological weapon can only be
Marxism, i.e., dialectical materialism, as a method of the analysis of
historical experience and today.

2. We the same as also you, count, that the proletarian party should be
especially class political organization. For example, in charter of the PDP
(our party) it is written down, that workers have a casting vote in it --
the others have only consultative. We are not "proletarian sect" in the
sense that we drive away from us any and all non-proletarian elements. We
cooperate with those who firmly stand on the class positions of the

3. We agree that one of the main dangers to a workers' party is petty
bourgeois influence, petty-bourgeois ideology.

4. We, as well as you, are certainly internationalists. The workers' and
revolutionary communist movement should not become isolated in narrow
national frameworks of one country at all. As well, the concept of the
smooth development of "democracy" into revolution, into the dictatorship of
proletariat, is a most malicious myth of the intellectuals and petty

5. We as well declare unconditional solidarity with national-liberation
movement in semicolonial countries with the its further development into a
proletarian revolutionary movement.

6. (This point is absolutely badly translated. The answer to it we shall
write later.)

7. Understanding that trade unions is only initial, basic, and certainly,
not the revolutionary form of the organization of working class, we count
that the proletarian party actively should conduct propaganda and agitation
activities in trade unions. The attitude toward army is the same for us as
it is for you.

Comrades, the rest of the translation is again bad. We do not want to speak
about the principles and views of the MWG imprecisely, approximately. Wait
until we shall receive good translation.

Long live the dictatorship of the proletariat!
Proletarians of all countries, unite!

With proletarian greetings;
G. Isayev
V. Kotelnikov

     --- from list [EMAIL PROTECTED] ---

Reply via email to