First off, I owe you an apology. I did not get a chance to read directly your first post to the list before reading Jim Farmelant's forward which was somehow framed in a way that ticked me off. Reading your email directly did not elicit such a confrontational reaction. That having been said, I don't think we're going to agree on much of anything. For while I had other kinds of conversations (not intellectual ones, though) with some African American Muslims back in the '70s, by this late date I've had it. But there are a few bullet points I must make, to highlight some fundamentally divergent assumptions.

First, a few necessary distinctions, and then some further points:

(1) I do not propose, for example, to address huge crowds of black people denouncing them for their religious beliefs and backward superstitions and wave a red flag with a hammer and sickle in front of their faces. I do draw a distinction between mass agitation and how one addresses intellectuals in their capacity as intellectuals.

(2) The reasons black intellectuals in various areas were turned off decades ago by Marxists were manifold, but the differences worth discussing are not religious or intellectual differences. It has to do with the rigidities inherent in racial and colonial relations which made a meshing of psychological and cultural attitudes and party politics difficult, along with the commandeering practices and top-down agendas of the communist parties. There are indeed many examples of these complaints to be found in the writings of Black American and Caribbean authors.

(3) As for "spirituality", it's a word that can mean anything or nothing, so I have to shrug my shoulders. If someone says Coltrane was a spiritual player, I know what is meant, and I can perceive what is intended, and I can feel it without having to believe anything. Beyond that, there's not much I can do with such claims. Yes, faith and religion are incompatible with Marxist theory, absolutely incompatible. But don't misunderstand what I mean. They are incompatible with Marxism as a conceptual mechanism for comprehending the world. But neither Marx nor any marxist since has ever made rejection of religious belief any precondition for any kind of social action, since a general aspect of the theory is that only change in conditions and change in action is going to change very many minds.

(4) I consider Cedric Robinson an intellectual charlatan, his book intellectually false and dishonest.

(5) One could go on for ever and ever analyzing the role of religion with respect to the resistance of the Maroons, Haitians, American slaves, civil rights movement, etc. etc. Why not? But that's not a part of the argument I recognize as a matter in dispute. Engels analyzed the role of religion in the German peasant uprisings, from an historical materialist perspective, as well as the development of early Christianity. Ok, then. But recognizing religious beliefs and practices as modes of adaptation in various social and historical circumstances is just not the same thing as granting them any validity as such.

(6) I note that your litany of historical examples stops with Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, neither of whom outlived the 1960s. I imagine you might provide some other examples in the time frame of the past 35 years, but you didn't, and in any case, I ask: if we grant that these strategies of social adaptation had validity in their time, do they still remain viable TODAY? I don't think they do; I think they're a desperate measure to hold onto something that's dying.

(7) Similarly, Cornel West and other prominent black intellectuals are figures of TODAY, and should be judged by intellectual standards to be demanded of them today. And if they prove to be mediocre, myopic, or opportunist, why should they be given a free pass, or should we be so thrilled or relieved that a black person jumped through all the hoops to gain a certain status that we should all shout hooray and dumb ourselves down accordingly? For some reason, this double standard, borne of defensiveness and desperation, seems to be universally accepted. It is also in the long run a sure prescription for suicide. Marable is a far superior or at least more disciplined intellect than Cornel, though there are a few things I could say about him I will not say publicly.

(8) As for Jon Henrik Clarke, whatever empirical historical contributions he has made stand on their own. As is true with every intellectual discipline including all the sciences, when people overreach their objective expertise and leap to more general philosophical claims, they are not necessarily trustworthy, and this goes for physicists and biologists as it does for historians. His comments about Du Bois and Robeson I can appreciate, and his disillusionment with the Soviet Union is hardly unique. However, his Afrocentric perspective is BS. For example:

I never thought that the left movement – communist or socialists – never made any serious study of the history and background of the African people of the world. And they have a preconceived notion of us that had nothing to do with our reality. These African communal societies, in which each got according to his needs, were not copied from Europe because they existed before there was a Europe. In these societies, based on (African) concepts of society and the community, everyone had a responsibility. In these societies, there was no word for jail, because no one had gone to one. No word for orphanage, because no one had every thrown away any children. No word for old people's home, because no one had ever thrown away grandma and grandpa. And while I had some admiration for the conclusion of Marx, I dare to say that he was a political opportunist and jonnie- come-lately because he was rehashing something that was in the world before the first European wore a shoe or lived in a house, that had a window"

This is horseshit. The study of premodern societies was in any case fairly new in Marx's time and I don't even know what reliable information about Africa was available then, but to suggest the entire historical record of marxist scholarship is predicated on looking down at Africans, I don't buy it. To suggest that premodern African societies exemplify some perfect model, especially one relevant for the modern world, is delusional. And in my experience of black Americans in the 70s--who have nothing in common with Africans but fancy they do, a typically American conceit!--they only proved that their pseudo-Africanity hindered their development and comprehension of their own society, because their mentality never reached beyond the confines of the ghetto. And most importantly, not a one of them ever learned how to treat their women, or stop their macho men in their tracks. As for Black American men who turned to Islam, well, I remember a few very "spiritual" people, and others undoubtedly acted on the impulse it was a step towards embracing a larger world than the one they were raised in, but in the final analysis, it's just ignorant and sad.

There are, BTW, other perspectives of black intellectuals on modernity. Richard Wright was fanatical in his embrace of modernity, and had no brief for tradition. It is understandable then why the likes of Cornel West would continually slander him. And I recommend Paul Gilroy as an antidote for all this Afrocentric crap.

(9) There is much more to be said about intellectual standards to be demanded today, and about the pervasive mediocrity of the American mind across the board, and about the substandard intellectual level that university-educated professional black people--not the poor and illiterate but the educated privileged ones--too often settle for. There is a tendency among intellectuals in general to succumb to power, to succumb to it in two ways: either to grovel before power or hunger after it. They stunt their intellectual growth in this process and end up deluding themselves. It is a shame though how they pass on their shortcomings to their students.

I have to stop here, because this is depressing me.

At 11:37 AM 8/3/2006 -0500, Austin Jackson wrote:
Jim, thanks for the article. Thanks, Chris, for the welcome. I asked the poster for clarity, prefacing with, "With all due respect," so I'm not sure why the poster felt it necessary offer invitations to kiss his ass. That's pretty tough typing; I hope our paths cross in the future. I'll just pray for him now, superstitious African American Muslim man I am. As Malcolm X once said, I man curses because he lacks the words or intellegence to express what he has to say. Anyway...is faith/spirtuality/religion incompatable with Marxist theory? West was attacked by the poster, in part, because of West's Christian beliefs. I was surprised by this, since this stance seems to echo the same Marxist orthadoxy that alienated many African American, African, and Caribbean scholar-activists who initially embrassed Marxism as a theory of liberation. What's ironic about this Marxist dismissal of African/African American spirituality as "superstition" is that it was these same "superstitions" that provide the basis for Black revolutionary warfare against slavery and Western imperialism. This is one of the major claims in Cedric Robinson's BLACK MARXISM: THE MAKING OF THE BLACK RADICAL TRADITION (1983) -- that Marxists resist interrogating the epistemic consequences of its European roots, denying the history, experience, and culture of so-called Third World people from Western radical tradition, negating indigenous methods of social organization used to resist and overthrow imperialist social order -- such as "traditional" religion or spirituality. For instance, Jamaican Maroons, organized by traditional African spiritual and cultural practices (obeah, spirit possession, nommo, the drum, etc.), waged successful guerrilla warfare against their Spanish and British oppressors. The same in Haiti, in which enslaved Africans invoked traditional religious practices to wage the first successful anti-imperialist revolution in the Western hemisphere -- almost 50 years before Marx penned his theory of revolution in 1848. Numerous other examples abound in the U.S., from 1619 to the liberatory theology of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X (who, shortly before their assassinations, openly advocated a turn toward "democratic socialism"). In short, I'm wondering how Marxists who dismiss African/African American culture as "superstition" because of traditional religious faith reconcile the fact that these same superstitions have been historically responsible for ordering Black revolutionary action? If the end goals is the end of capitalist domination and exploitation, instead of castigating West (the only prominent Black scholar today, besides Manning Marable, claiming Marxism) wouldn't it be more useful to consider these "superstitions" based on how they either generate or impede real, transformaive social action? In one of his last interviews, the late John Henrike Clarke recalls the missed opportunity for some kind of unity (do to Marxist cultural/racial prejudice) between the Black and Western radical traditions in Harlem in the 1920's: "I was active briefly in the Young Communist League. We were looking for a way out of the conditions in which we lived, they open doors for us, they opened doors for us and gave us a platform that we did not have. Paul Robeson was the one artist who made the great sacrifice based on commitment and that commitment that an artist is supposed to use his or her art to change the society in which they lived. DuBois was our greatest single intellect we've produced in the western world, and he's not just an African American intellect, was an American intellect was an American intellect...the (Communist) Party came closest to what those men wanted stand for in th world, which was a fair deal for the working people for the world. We would examine much later to our sorrow that we were in an argument between not a liberator and an oppressor but two oppressors with different techniques and methodologies of oppression. In the final analysis Russia did not want us to be free any more than the united states, England, and the imperial powers wanted us to be free, but under their domination. I never thought that the left movement – communist or socialists – never made any serious study of the history and background of the African people of the world. And they have a preconceived notion of us that had nothing to do with our reality. These African communal societies, in which each got according to his needs, were not copied from Europe because they existed before there was a Europe. In these societies, based on (African) concepts of society and the community, everyone had a responsibility. In these societies, there was no word for jail, because no one had gone to one. No word for orphanage, because no one had every thrown away any children. No word for old people's home, because no one had ever thrown away grandma and grandpa. And while I had some admiration for the conclusion of Marx, I dare to say that he was a political opportunist and jonnie- come-lately because he was rehashing something that was in the world before the first European wore a shoe or lived in a house, that had a window" (LONG AND MIGHTY WALK, 1996)


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