>>> <shag@


At any rate, this is what Lewis had to say then:

"It should be added that the "immiseration thesis" is really a legacy of the
Cold War. It was a distortion of Marx used by the Communist parties to
"prove" that workers in the West generally would suffer dire poverty if they
did not emulate the state capitalist dictatorships. While the latter have
been consigned to the dustbin of history, I think Marx's legacy deserves a
more honest re-consideration."


http://mailman.lbo-talk.org/2000/2000-May/009526.html 

^^^^^

CB: This sounds like something of an misrepresentation of the immiseration 
thesis. which does not claim that a majority of the working class is always 
immiserated in all countries; particularly the rich imperialist countries have 
richer sections of the working class, bourgeoisified sections of the workers. 
Even Engels and Marx noted this about sections of British workers.  However, 
There is a mass of immiserated workers, wage earners, rank and file consumers 
constantly and consistently created by capitalism, a pulsating "pole" in 
contrast with the opposite pole of rich, getting richer, nowadays getting 
richer faster than in the immediate past.  This immiseration of a mass, even if 
minority of the whole working class, occurs even in booms times of the business 
cycle ,is  even large during long booms , or predominantly boom periods, as in 
the US for 25 years lately.  The immiseration thesis is a legacy of Karl Marx, 
and his absolute general law of capitalist accumulation, more important than 
any theory Marx might have had about a business cycle. Marx didn't write a 
definite such theory. Rather later economic scholars piece such theories 
together by picking through volumes of _Capital_. The law of the tendency of 
the rate of profit to fall as part of some piecemeal theory of Marx on the 
business cycle derives from parts of Vol. III. Marx didn't even finish Vol. 
III, but turned to other studies , such as anthropology. Why didn't Marx finish 
Vol. III  if it was so important to his ideas. Why leave it to Engels to put 
together ? Because it wasn't central.  The absolute general law of capitalist 
accumulation is written out completely by Marx in Vol. I and it is so 
fancifully named because it is more important than the law of the tendency of 
the rate of profit to fall in Marx's conception of his own total thesis. 

Marx's discussion of immiseration includes discussion of the lumpen 
proletariat, thus, crime , thus imprisonment. Mass imprisonment in the US  
today is a major expression of immiseration or locus of impact of capitalist 
mass immiseration. The prison-industrial-complex is a major immiserating 
institution of modern capitalism , especially in the U.S. 

The working class victims of crime are immiserated by a major institution of US 
capitalism, crime. This is another mass immiseration process continually 
operating , boom or bust  , in US capitalism
Layoffs contribute to the increase in the relative surplus population.

There several other major immiserating institutions as well, and all of them 
substantially negate , for a great mass of the population( its relative surplus 
section )the enjoying fulfillment of the unusually great mass of commodities, 
goods and services,  personal consumption in the US.

layoffs = pauperization and misery

As Marx says:

"The lowest sediment of the relative surplus-population finally dwells in the 
sphere of pauperism. Exclusive of vagabonds, criminals, prostitutes, in a word, 
the “dangerous” classes, this layer of society consists of three categories. 
First, those able to work. One need only glance superficially at the statistics 
of English pauperism to find that the quantity of paupers increases with every 
crisis, and diminishes with every revival of trade. Second, orphans and pauper 
children. These are candidates for the industrial reserve army, and are, in 
times of great prosperity, as 1860, e.g., speedily and in large numbers 
enrolled in the active army of labourers. Third, the demoralised and ragged, 
and those unable to work, chiefly people who succumb to their incapacity for 
adaptation, due to the division of labour; people who have passed the normal 
age of the labourer; the victims of industry, whose number increases with the 
increase of dangerous machinery, of mines, chemical works, &c., the mutilated, 
the sickly, the widows, &c. Pauperism is the hospital of the active labour-army 
and the dead weight of the industrial reserve army. Its production is included 
in that of the relative surplus-population, its necessity in theirs; along with 
the surplus-population, pauperism forms a condition of capitalist production, 
and of the capitalist development of wealth. It enters into the faux frais of 
capitalist production; but capital knows how to throw these. for the most part, 
from its own shoulders on to those of the working-class and the lower middle 
class. 

The greater the social wealth, the functioning capital, the extent and energy 
of its growth, and, therefore, also the absolute mass of the proletariat and 
the productiveness of its labour, the greater is the industrial reserve army. 
The same causes which develop the expansive power of capital, develop also the 
labour-power at its disposal. The relative mass of the industrial reserve army 
increases therefore with the potential energy of wealth. But the greater this 
reserve army in proportion to the active labour-army, the greater is the mass 
of a consolidated surplus-population, whose misery is in inverse ratio to its 
torment of labour. The more extensive, finally, the lazarus-layers of the 
working-class, and the industrial reserve army, the greater is official 
pauperism. This is the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation. Like 
all other laws it is modified in its working by many circumstances, the 
analysis of which does not concern us here. 

The folly is now patent of the economic wisdom that preaches to the labourers 
the accommodation of their number to the requirements of capital. The mechanism 
of capitalist production and accumulation constantly effects this adjustment. 
The first word of this adaptation is the creation of a relative 
surplus-population, or industrial reserve army. Its last word is the misery of 
constantly extending strata of the active army of labour, and the dead weight 
of pauperism. 

The law by which a constantly increasing quantity of means of production, 
thanks to the advance in the productiveness of social labour, may be set in 
movement by a progressively diminishing expenditure of human power, this law, 
in a capitalist society - where the labourer does not employ the means of 
production, but the means of production employ the labourer - undergoes a 
complete inversion and is expressed thus: the higher the productiveness of 
labour, the greater is the pressure of the labourers on the means of 
employment, the more precarious, therefore, becomes their condition of 
existence, viz., the sale of their own labour-power for the increasing of 
another’s wealth, or for the self-expansion of capital. The fact that the means 
of production, and the productiveness of labour, increase more rapidly than the 
productive population, expresses itself, therefore, capitalistically in the 
inverse form that the labouring population always increases more rapidly than 
the conditions under which capital can employ this increase for its own 
self-expansion. 

We saw in Part IV., when analysing the production of relative surplus-value: 
within the capitalist system all methods for raising the social productiveness 
of labour are brought about at the cost of the individual labourer; all means 
for the development of production transform themselves into means of domination 
over, and exploitation of, the producers; they mutilate the labourer into a 
fragment of a man, degrade him to the level of an appendage of a machine, 
destroy every remnant of charm in his work and turn it into a hated toil; they 
estrange from him the intellectual potentialities of the labour-process in the 
same proportion as science is incorporated in it as an independent power; they 
distort the conditions under which he works, subject him during the 
labour-process to a despotism the more hateful for its meanness; they transform 
his life-time into working-time, and drag his wife and child beneath the wheels 
of the Juggernaut of capital. But all methods for the production of 
surplus-value are at the same time methods of accumulation; and every extension 
of accumulation becomes again a means for the development of those methods. It 
follows therefore that in proportion as capital accumulates, the lot of the 
labourer, be his payment high or low, must grow worse. The law, finally, that 
always equilibrates the relative surplus-population, or industrial reserve 
army, to the extent and energy of accumulation, this law rivets the labourer to 
capital more firmly than the wedges of Vulcan did Prometheus to the rock. It 
establishes an accumulation of misery, corresponding with accumulation of 
capital. Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, therefore, at the same time 
accumulation of misery, agony of toil slavery, ignorance, brutality, mental 
degradation, at the opposite pole, i.e., on the side of the class that produces 
its own product in the form of capital. [25] This antagonistic character of 
capitalistic accumulation is enunciated in various forms by political 
economists, although by them it is confounded with phenomena, certainly to some 
extent analogous, but nevertheless essentially distinct, and belonging to 
pre-capitalistic modes of production."

http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch25.htm#S4 


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