[Marxism-Thaxis] Superimperialism , Empire, Americofourthreich
Charles Brown CharlesB at cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us 
Tue Dec 11 09:11:20 MST 2001 

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Hugh-
I think it's time Charles dipped into Trotsky's work on the Permanent
Revolution. The essential book is the work of that name written in
Trotsky's first place of foreign exile, the island of Prinkipo near
Istanbul, but it should be read together with Results and Prospects, an
amazing work written in 1904-06 before and after Trotsky led the first
Russian Revolution of 1905. Both books are available at the Marx/Engels
Internet Archive at

http://www.marx.org/Trotsky/Archive/1931-TPV/ 

Chas.- Yes. I will look at this. 
       By the way,  on "figures" you 
claim I owe when I said "go to the books" on the 
working class as the major fraction of consumers
of means of consumption,  the "books"  I was 
talking about going to were Capital and Marx
and Engels'  writings, the same one you introduced
in support of what you said. If you produce some
figures maybe I will. But I think there are some clear
logical arguments within Marx's system. A big
one I already gave you: means of production,
by definition, are not an "end product" commodity;
AND all of the value added to the means
of production when they were worked on
by labor is paid for in full down the exchange
chain until the purchaser of the means of
consumption commodity pays for all of 
the values back up the line. So, the 
consumer of the car (mostly workers) pays
for all of the steel , wages of steelworkers
and profit of steel capitalist. Generalize
this and your means of production argument
falls. But I will look at the exact wording
of Marx on these issues.

Chas.-
>  Also, what do you think of the idea that the
>metropolitan imperialist nation structure from
>the Leninist imperialism model has evolved to
>superimperialism, meaning that rather than
>several national centers , there is more of one
>transnatioanl center ? So, that in fighting strikes
>like that in Australia now, and in overall
>strategy,  we must think of the
>enemy as having that structure.

Hugh-
Never confuse the world market, which was one and undivided already in
Marx's day, with the national states that act as guard-dogs for
multinational capital. 

Chas.- The stage of imperialism impacted the 
configuration of the world market of Marx's day.
 Monopolization and the shift to finance capital
as the topdogs meant greater centralization of
the capitalist dictatorships within the imperialist
national centers, WITH FIERCE INTERIMPERIALIST
RIVALRY BETWEEN THE CENTERS, including
of course "world" war. The paleo-colonial system
reached it's highest level of development and crisis.. There was
a shift from exporting goods to exporting capital.


Hugh-
There are still several national centres, but the
strains arising from the contradictions are becoming very noticeable. The
subordination of formerly relatively autonomous nations (like Sweden) is
becoming clearer now. But the utopianism of thinking that having the
imperialist nations England, France and Germany all in the same sack will
make them act as one is ridiculous. As long as it suits their purposes
they'll gang up together against the US or Japan, but as soon as it
doesn't, they shoot off on their own again.

Chas.- There are more national centers now, but
there is a center or maybe centers 
above the level of nation.  The TRANSNATIONAL
corporation is a qualitatively new phenomenon
from Lenin's day and two levels from Marx's day.
"Transnational " is a better term than "multinational",
because the latter implies having a foot in 
several national centers. The former gives the
sense of flying over the top of several and 
less controlled.
     The state-monopolization process Lenin 
tagged in Imperialism is further along than
then. Thus, the direct use of the nation states
by the biggest bourgeoisie is greater. But more
a U.S. transnational uses the Korean state
and really the Japanese state (e.g. Chrysler/Mitsubisi 
and Ford/?); and these states are not
as hostile. Or Honda uses the U.S. state.
  The interimperialist rivalries are not 
especially along national lines as in
the era of imperialism. 
    A new contradiction in capital is
 between national and transnationals.
This was reflected in Perot (national) 
screwing up the Presidential election
by running against Clinton and Bush
(both transnational).


Hugh-
As for fighting strikes, the economic tentacles of the enemy reach
everywhere, so we can bang 'em hard in a lot of different places. The
political set up is much less unified. In the current docks dispute in Oz,
it seems no foreign capital is involved directly, and it's a home-grown
operation, both economically and politically (although obviously there's
been a lot of consulting and advice from professional British
union-busters), and this means that a very strong united front on the part
of the bosses probably won't materialize, which will make our struggle
easier.

Chas.- Yes, I started to realize this from
the posts.  The transnationals are waiting
around like vultures to feast off of the 
general effect if the busting succeeds. Plus,
I wouldn't bet that transnationals aren't
doing something or won't unknown to us.


>Chas. - I like an honest arguer, Hugh.
>   I agree "exchange-value" should be reserved
>as you describe. I am still mulling over in my mind
>whether there is some logical relation between
>exchange-value and a dimension of
>the product and surplus-labour (this is Marx's
>term too, if you recall another quote posted)
>of earlier modes. In other words, does it make
>sense in a historical and dialectical approach,
>as your discussion of the larva-butterfly analogy,
>to see some form of abstract labor (proto-
>to exchange value) in the earlier , non-
>commodity use-values ? Maybe not. But
>I am not closing my mind to it.


Hugh-
If we accept Marx's use of use-value for all products useful to human
beings, then it follows that some products will have use-value but no
exchange-value. Only commodities will have exchange-value, but commodities
do appear in pre-capitalist economic formations, such as slave-holding (eg
Ancient Greece) and  feudal modes of production. But in these conditions
they don't develop into capital. Marx deals with this in Grundrisse
(Notebook II, 14-15, Coll Works 28, pp 183-85), for instance.

My butterfly analogy only involves the development of forms of abstract
labour where commodities are concerned, otherwise it's a question of
surplus labour embodied in surplus product.

Chas. -Yes. I know about the commodities as 
subordinate modes in precapitalism. However,
that is not what I am talking about. I mean some
concept of  feudal-value to describe the surplus-labour
products ripped off as tribute by the ruling class, as
part of some economic analysis of the feudal 
system. However, doing an economic analysis
of feudalism is not high on my list of projects.
 Anyway didn't somebody named Bloch do one ?

    Your butterfly analogy is dialectical and that
method applies to everything,including the 
development of concrete labour . Marx says
the discovery of use-values is the work of
history. That implies a development of 
concrete labour which would have 
a butterfly analogy analysis.

Chas.
>    This might be pertinent to conceiving of use-values
>in communism or something , when the commodity is abolished. I am just
>thinking out loud.


Hugh-
Again, if use-value is used to refer to any product meeting a want, then
there will be more than plenty under communism, just no exchange-value.
Mind you, there'll be excellent and simple forms of bookkeeping to keep
tabs on the use of social labour.

Chas. Yes. Labor from each according to ability,
          use-value for each according to need
            and lots of fancy.





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