In history and as historical character, I was in the camp of  the 
anarcho-syndicalist deviation (without quotes) in 1919 and 1920 Russia.  While 
I never 
abandoned this political ideology, several of Lenin articles and  the strength 
of his personality convinced me of the danger of belonging to a  political 
faction. In Russia of 1920 a political faction did not mean comrades  with a 
different view who fought for their views. A political faction meant a  
separate 
organization within the party formed on the basis of a political  ideology; 
with 
a separate press and publishing capacity; a separate dues  structure because 
all distinct political groups must raise money to exist, and  more than less 
secret cells, within the cells of the party. 

A  faction does not mean the existence of different and coherent body's of 
thought.  

In history, from 1920 to the early 1990s, my anarcho political  orientation, 
with it romantic and intoxicating visions of industrial workers  councils and 
industrial general strikes storming the citadels of capital, began  a 
fundamental collapse and restructuring. Not as the result of some spiritual  
like 
change in political ideology, but because all political ideology - without  
exception, is connected to and expresses something material, that in the last  
instance is bound up with the productive forces and the interplay of classes as 
 
they collude and collide.  

I understood Lenin's meaning but  my reality ran against the grain of his 
theoretical underpinning. I most  certainly understood myself to be planted 
firmly within Engels writings and  critique of anarchism, and this was 
expressed by 
an undying loyalty to the  dictatorship of the proletariat as it was 
expressed as the worker-peasant  alliance - government, that gave shape to the 
proletarian state; the supreme  guardian of, and extra legal terrorist organs 
that 
protected the new laws of  society that prohibited virtually anything from 
passing to the hands of the  consuming workers other than means of consumption. 
 

In 1922/4  I could not be part of the Left Opposition because of their 
program and  misunderstanding of industry as a living organism that could not 
be 
housed in  "militarization of labor." I had read about Mr. Trotsky and the nice 
things  Lenin said. but I had also studied Lenin for years, even before the 
revolution  and knew Mr. Trotsky was never really part of the Lenin Group, and 
therefore had  no real future because the old heads tended to only really 
support the other old  heads. Never being scared to express my views 
unwaveringly, I 
was not a  factionalist.  

What would happen 70 years later in 1990's,  was experiencing the waves of 
social consequences that was the destruction and  transformation of the 
industrial system as I had known it and as it had been  transferred to me 
through 
family and dad working for Ford Motor Company for more  than 30 years. 

The platform on which was erected the "industrial  ideology" of 
anarcho-syndicalism was being furthered shattered by Marx famous  "progress of 
industry." 
Not all at one time. But when fundamental tings change,  everything dependent 
upon that, which is fundamental, must in turn change  incrementally. There will 
be workers strikes and general strikes to bring down  the government and 
bring society to insurrection. However, until such strikes  leap outside of the 
bounds of just strikes, nothing changes and only momentary  concessions can be 
won. The October Revolution was not a gigantic strike. Most  people went to 
work on the day Lenin seized power.  

Anarcho-syndicalism is of course a combination of ideological  anarchism as 
an expression of a concept of the state withering away detached  from the value 
relations and the dying off of classes attached to value  production; and 
French syndicalism with it called for the general industrial  strike as the 
supreme weapon to bring down the government. Hence, its over  emphasis on trade 
union forms and self perpetrating workers councils, as the  most personalized 
conception of the meaning of political democracy. I happened  to personally 
know 
that the real proletarian masses hated these petty bourgeois  concepts of 
democracy because they required endless meetings and after ten years  of such 
meeting, you become aware of the "self contained political logic of  meeting." 
This logic or rule is that you begin to meet to set up the next  meeting and 
every comrade has experienced this. Plus, the real proletarian  masses hated 
rotating leadership and understood democratic centralism to be no  more or less 
that the inherent organization of th factory system. You stand at  the 
political 
assembly line and contribute. 

I also discovered the  secret to a meeting is 45 minutes and the meeting ends 
no matter what has not  been covered on the agenda. Then you have an after 
meeting with music drinks,  checkers or cards. 

Anarcho-syndicalism as political ideology is  neither good nor bad, in its 
theoretical roots, as such, but is riveted to a  material configuration of the 
productive forces. Although Marxism is not  compatible with 
anarcho-syndicalism, this does not and never meant both could  not coexist in 
the same 
organization. If fact all healthy Communists Party's in  the industrial 
countries 
recruited directly from the workers in large scale  industry, and this very act 
recreated and continuously gave to  anarcho-syndicalism. Even if an 
organization 
tried to stamp out  anarcho-syndicalism as a political ideology it was doomed 
to ultimate fail  because this ideology does not spontaneous spring from ideas 
detached from  material relations of production. By material relations of 
production is meant  the actualized conditions of labor - the division of 
labor, 
compelling labor to  group itself in large factories. 

What one ended up doing was  purging individuals only to recruit new 
individuals "suffering" from the same  ailment. The state cannot cure a 
psychosis. 

What destroys  anarcho-syndicalism as a political institution is the 
revolution in the  productive forces, that reconfigures industry and destroys 
the old 
industrial  shape of production. Specifically, when I entered industry . . . 
again  . .  . in 1970, there were 125,000 Chrysler UAW workers. Today, there 
are 43,000 and  rapidly falling and these 43,000 can produce a magnitude of 
commodities = to the  125,000. This means a 2/3 fall in value - the amount of 
socially necessary  labor. 

Twenty years later - from 1990 to 2009, anarcho-syndicalism  as a political 
ideology only exists in the minds and hearts of those of another  generation 
and era. 

Sometime between 1979 and 1983, I was in  Chicago, the party's center, and 
call onto the carpet before basically a  tribunal and charged and question 
about 
my anarcho-syndicalism. by either 3 or 4  leading comrades whom I deeply 
respected. I believe in my hear to this day the  purpose was my purge on the 
grounds of anarcho-syndicalism. I basically answered  all the question to the 
affirmative, because I have never felt the need to hide  or lie about my 
political 
convictions. 

The leading comrade -  Chairman, asked me what I had to say in my defense. By 
basic attitude and  defense was that I am not required to defend my political 
ideology or  convictions to anyone, at any time for any reasons. I will 
explain the facts.  

"The fact of the matter is that I have done nothing in violation  of the 
party program. I recruit members, sell more papers than 90% of the party  
members; 
volunteer for all assignments; pay more than my dues on a regular basis  and 
I am trying to figure out what part of the party program or policy I am in  
violation of. The Chairman smiled and said "dammit Comrade Waistline, you are  
absolutely right. Sorry." 

And the meeting was ended.  

It would take me another 15 years to really figure out and grasp  what those 
comrades really meant. In turn I taught them - everyone and I am  taking 
credit for it, that anarcho-syndicalism is not a mistake; the reason it  is 
incompatible with Marxism is because Marxism is a theoretical science and the  
science of society and anarcho-syndicalism is a political doctrine of combat,  
that 
is not hostile to Leninism; a political doctrine. A theoretical science  
cannot be measured against a political doctrine of combat or Leninism would be  
called "Marxism2." That is to say Lenin was a Marxist and the doctrine bearing  
his name is a specific complex of strategy and tactics. 

Anyway, I  would be expelled later for violating party rules. I demanded that 
my unit  demand the tax records of my wife, who had divorced my dumb ass and 
no one can  demand or insists that the party reveal or demand that any 
individuals personal  financial standing be discussed or made public. Sine that 
time 
I have been asked  if interested in various organizations including one with 
former lading members  in it. 

My point of course is that if a section of th communist  movement cannot get 
pass the Stalin period then a call must be made to begin  reform of the 
communist movement around those stuck in the old period with  nothing new or 
enlightened to contribute. Stalin is the bone in the throat of  the communist 
movement that can neither be swallowed or coughed up. I take  immense pride as 
history at being in the Stalin Polarity - on the left.  

When Comrade Stalin called me on the carpet, I listened and when  he asked 
what I had to say for myself, I first sat down because he is only 5'4  and I am 
6 feet talk. No one enjoys anyone standing over them. I leaned over  with 
forearm resting on my right leg and said, 

"The fact of the  matter is that I have done nothing in violation of the 
party program. I recruit  members, sell more papers than 90% of the party 
members; 
volunteer for all  assignments; pay more than my dues on a regular basis and 
I am trying to figure  out what part of the party program or policy I am in 
violation of. Plus, I  brought 3 new plants on line without weighting down the 
party organizations with  the peasant mentality." 

The Chairman smiled and said "dammit  Comrade Waistline, you are absolutely 
right. Sorry." 

On the way  out the door Beria started at me. 

Turning around I walked up to  Beria, turned and looked at Stalin and said 
"Boss, I do not mind sitting down at  your knee and talking man to man." 

"But that mutherfuking Beria,  I'll gut that mutherrfuker." 

Boss say, "Comrade Beria, you better  pray to your God that not one single 
hair on Waistline's anarchist syndicalist  head is disturbed. I want to see him 
in 60 days and you are to pick him up  personally. He tell the truth." 

All we have to do is tell the  truth and stop leading with political 
ideology. 
 
The benefit of a listserv such as this, with individuals embodying decades  
of experience is their clarity of conceptions while never fearing to be  
truthful to themselves and the keyboard. My questions about the meaning of the  
state, property relations, The Commune form, the meaning of surplus was not  
meant 
to offend but honest to the best of my ability.  




WL. 
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