"The Tiger We Need to Tame," or "studies in the role of bureaucracy and  the 
bureaucratic mentality and how to defeat it," was extremely insightful and  
enlightening. Today, I believe we can further define bureaucracy; place it in a 
 
historical context, environment and chart its further demise. 
 
"The Tiger We Need to Tame" defines bureaucracy as: 
 
"Definitions of the term "bureaucracy" have filled huge books. No need to  
recall them all. Let us restrict ourselves to the most basic definitions.  
According to the Spanish Dictionary of the Royal Academy, bureaucracy means an  
ensemble of public servants; always the excessive influence of functionaries in 
 
public affairs; and lastly, inefficient management, hampered by paperwork,  
rigidity and superfluous formalities." 
 
"bureaucracy means an ensemble of public servants; always the excessive  
influence of functionaries in public affairs; and lastly, inefficient  
management, 
hampered by paperwork,  rigidity and superfluous formalities." 
 
A standard American English definition of bureaucracy is: "administrative  
system: an administrative system, especially in a government, that divides work 
 
into specific categories carried out by special departments of nonelected  
officials." 
 
Encarta ® World English Dictionary © & (P) 1998-2004 Microsoft  Corporation. 
All rights reserved. 
 
Both definitions wed bureaucracy to property relations and its governmental  
agencies as management - administrations. The English definition injects the  
concept of a "system of administration" (administrative system) which begs the 
 question "administration of what?" There are only two categories of reality 
that  can be administered; people and things, as systems. Therefore, the 
bureaucracy  as "administrative system composed of an ensemble of public 
servants," 
is the  indispensable condition for the success, stability and growth of the 
revolution  and simultaneously the basis for the death of the revolution. 
 
The self perpetuating nature - character, of administration is impossible  to 
activate by the individual and requires groups of people, as the  
revolutionary class to organized themselves in a certain way to make  
administration 
possible in the first place. This is so because of the inherent  quality of 
social 
production - cooperation, requiring different people to do  different things 
to meet society needs. Thus, administration - bureaucracy, as a  social 
phenomenon has one foot planted in property relations as government/state  
(organization of people to accomplish a definite need/end) and secondly,  
productive 
forces as the division of labor in society or a specific state of  development 
of the productive forces and its underlying technological regime. 
 
Organization involves vertical and horizontal administration or "up and  
down," and "side to side," administration as every factory or office worker  
knows. This vertical and horizontal organization as a principle, is rooted in  
the 
division of labor as fundamentality rather than the property relations, or  
the "revolutionary party" because there is no other way for millions of people, 
 
committing hundreds of millions of daily acts and actions, to achieve a  
collective end. In the first and last instance bureaucracy has its taproot in  
the 
division of labor, which since the break up of the society of primitive  
communism, has appeared as a product of the property relations and class rule.  
Class rule constructs and consolidates bureaucracy but is not the taproot of  
bureaucracy. 
 
Modern bureaucracy taproot sinks beneath the productive forces as an  
abstract category, into the historically specific configuration of the  
productive 
forces - machinery of society or is fused with an industrial form and  
industrial time frame references, "sitting" on cooperation. Today, as America  
passes 
deeper and deeper into revolution in the productive forces - mode of  
production, the industrial form of organization and consequently industrial  
bureaucracy is being shattered, displaced and incrementally regulated to  
history. 
Specifically, the new technological regime does not destroy cooperation  but 
"folds 
it into and unto" the new configuration of industry, that is  witnessed as 
displacement of labor and the destruction for the need of layers of  
individuals 
to administer. 
 
Little by little the phenomenon of bureaucracy end game appears, with  
primarily the property relations appearing as its last refuge. 
 
Bureaucracy poses itself as the gravest of danger to the revolution because  
it cannot be vanquished from history on the basis of revolutionary vigilance.  
Until a development in the productive forces occurs rendering bureaucracy  
historically and practically obsolete, vigilance and ideological fortitude is a 
 
premium. Cuban society does not have the material foundation for communism.  
Until they achieve this material foundation, which is in the distant future 
and  bound up with either revolution in the US, or revolution through South 
America:  preferably both,  ideological firmness is the key to the revolution  
withstanding the tremendous pressure of the counterrevolution exerted against  
it. 
 
Thus, bureaucracy emerges a key battlefront because it separates the  
revolutionary class from the masses and then the revolutionary leaders from  
both, 
while blocking and stymieing the achievement of practical goals. These  
achievable practical goals are sensed and understood by the masses and their  
realization or non-realization verifies - is proof of, the correctness of  the 
revolution. 
 
"The tiger we need to tame," is an excellent concept of the fight against  
bureaucracy. Tamed rather than destroy, because it is not possible to wipe  
bureaucracy from history on the basis of "furious and passionate struggles," 
ill  
conceived calls for "democratic organization of the revolutionary class," that 
 runs counter to the principles of cooperation and collide with the 
indispensable  vertical organization of the revolution. These ill conceived 
notions of  
democracy become the hotbed for counterrevolution and the ideological 
recruiting  ground for primarily youngsters, whose youthfulness has not yet 
afforded 
them  the opportunity to be tempered - steeled, on the basis of the principle 
of  cooperation. 
 
The real revolutionary democratic organization of the revolutionary class  is 
dependent upon the advanced culture of the citizens, ideology and the  
revolutionary leaders. The relationship that is mutual dependence between  
leaders, 
the revolutionary class and masses; culture and ideology shifts in  relative 
weight with the deepening of cooperation; the material and  technological basis 
of production. While all revolutionaries feel world  revolution is desirable, 
the world is only going to go into the subjective  dimensions of revolution 
when it is ready. In the mean time the revolution where  it has achieved 
victory has to proceed based on an estimate of its own forces. 
 
Advanced culture does not mean "high culture," "literary studies," or  
"ritual custom attuned to the period of bourgeois enlightenment," but  
"cooperation," an awareness of the individual as producer; their ritual habit 
as  producer 
and "place" in the system of production; an awareness of "why" and  "how" 
bureaucracy poses itself as indispensable and dangerous to the revolution.  
Certain people convert the meaning of advanced culture into a notion of  
"bourgeois 
enlightenment;" the endless penning away at their most personalized  and 
individual meaning of democracy and the ideological notion that all vertical  
leadership is inherently wrong. Certain people want to be holier than the Pope  
and 
more democratic than the popular masses, who long ago made the decision that  
the revolution needs leaders, which is why the leaders who come forth tend to 
be  the best the collective will can produce at any given moment. 
 
Over and over Lenin warned that the October Revolution would pay for its  
ignorance and lack of culture. Rather than "bookish high culture" or anarchist  
definitions of the "vertical leaders," being the source of bureaucracy; or  
"bourgeoisie enlightenment," Lenin meant the cooperative culture the  
proletariat, as a class, acquires as a commodity producer and its corresponding 
 
expression in self organization. The seedbed of bureaucracy is in the division  
of 
labor. Consequently, bureaucracy as a historical phenomenon, rather than form  
and methods of administration, decays and withers away in unison and  
correspondence to the withering away of the state. 
 
The vision of American communists can be filled with optimism because with  
the destruction of the power of capital; the cultural conditioning of our  
proletariat (high brow, low brow and above all as commodity producer) when  
combined with our advanced means of production long ago rendered obsolete the  
need 
for certain layers of vertical government and non-government forms of  
organization. We most certainly do not need any vertical national agencies to  
tell 
people to go to school; to mobilize and deploy labor and direct where to  build 
housings or what occupation the individual must choose. In the hands of  the 
revolutionary class, no matter what forms of struggle and  creative/democratic 
institutions are shaped, we possess the technological basis  to make our 
society a gigantic learning and cultural institution, where laboring  as we 
have 
known it vanishes in the space of a few years. 
 
Advanced culture ushers in human happiness, but both must have a basis in  
the productive forces and division of labor. The foundation of human happiness  
is contentment and its foundation is the elimination of strife. Strife as we  
have known it is a negative thing 40 centuries deep. Contentment grows when 
you  are no longer troubled. Our troubles arise and arose from material 
scarcity.  When we do away with that and its current class form as control of 
scarcity, we  begin to build on the positive things in society. Happiness is an 
emotion that  arises with positive contribution. This happiness can be in the 
form 
of creating  a new song, raising a child, painting a picture, building an 
organization or  neighborhood. Happiness is a social thing. The idea is to have 
a 
full life. This  always demands we struggle to create the conditions for a full 
life, with the  unbreakable understanding that individual death is not the 
end of life. The  continuation of life is to be experienced and gleamed in the 
eye of ones child,  any child, the eyes of loved ones and a positive outlook 
that really understands  that the revolutionary class cannot be derailed from 
our long struggle for human  happiness. 
 
Bureaucracy is unhappiness, strife, demoralization, bad attitude infesting  
the flesh and made manifest. Bureaucracy is a psychosis. The state as  state,  
cannot cure a psychosis. 
 
In each stage of this struggle for human happiness bureaucracy appears as a  
drag on the revolution threatening to separate the revolutionary class from 
the  masses and the leaders from the revolutionary class, because it ritualizes 
old  custom, ritualizes the culture and psychology of scarcity and its 
behavior;  blocks the attainment of practical goals, and fails to grab hold of 
the  
indispensable aspects of the culture of value relations, which changes with  
every juncture in the development and evolution of the revolutionary process. 
 
Victory to the Revolution. 
 
Unite or Perish. 
 
WL.
 
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The tiger we need to tame 

By Luis   Sexto                                                               
  
Read Spanish Version  

In Cuba, people say, bureaucratic attitudes respond with a problem  for  
every 
solution, with a "no" to a "yes." They dilute every  initiative in papers  
and 
meetings. And they see reality through the  color of their windowpanes, or  
from their balconies, usually high and  distant from the street or the 
factories. 
Or through reports that are  usually adulterated by those who do not wish 
their  errors to be known.  

Therefore, any project to renew and improve socialism in Cuba --  in  
addition 
to facing the opposition generated in Miami, Washington  and Madrid, and  by 
those inside the country who try in various ways to  push Cuba into 
capitalism  
-- will first have to annul bureaucratic  resistance. That's because 
everything 
that appears to be a limitation of the  bureaucracy's interests, its 
privileges,  its ability to delegitimize  every constructive decision and 
every freedom 
will  meet with  bureaucratic hostility, in the form of indifference, 
extremism or   distortion. There is more than enough proof of this. 

For example, why  did the countryside fill with government offices after  
Fidel Castro  once denounced (and President Raúl Castro condemned again) the  
spread  of the marabú weed? Not long ago, a Havana newspaper published a  
complaint  
from a reader. A train and a truck crashed at some railroad crossing   and, 
to 
prevent a repetition of the accident, the local functionaries shut  down  the 
crossing with two concrete barriers. Now, if sick people need  to drive to  
the 
clinic on the other side of the former crossing, 30  yards away, they'll have 
 
to make an 8-kilometer detour. Sounds like a  joke, but it is an 
administrative 
decision. 

We see it clearly: the  greatest danger of the bureaucratic mentality and  
norms may be that  they impede the self-regulation of socialism. Usually, we 
do  
not speak  about that mechanism, which we attribute to capitalism. Why does 
any   
rectification cost so much and take so long? Living organisms tend to  
persist 
in  their existence; therefore, to reject reshaping and  correction implies 
the  probability of that purpose. And recent history  confirms this. 

The so-called real socialism was born with the bacteria  of self-destruction  
buried deep in its structure. And those corrosive  germs are essentially 
related  to the vertically rigid organization  that facilitated the birth and 
hierarchy of  a bureaucracy that,  according to Marx scholars such as the 
Mexican 
Adolfo  Sánchez Vázquez,  became a system of class -- if not in itself, then 
for 
itself,  I might  clarify -- and politically fed from the surpluses produced 
by 
the   workers, who, paradoxically, received their salaries in the socialist   
organization that followed Red October. 

Soviet and European  socialism, therefore, dissolved thanks to the  
bureaucratic distortions  that forced political discourse to float in the 
air,  dazzled 
by its  own vision of itself, even as it didn't recognize reality on the   
streets. It will not be necessary to continue to invent enemies other than  
those  we 
already recognize. 

In summary, the principal causes  of the extinction of 20th-Century  
socialism, the socialism that  failed, were within itself. It incubated the  
mentality 
(not to say the  class) that discarded the use of power that was truly  
exercised by the  workers in socialism by using an unbridgeable dichotomy:  
verticality  
vis-à-vis a democratic horizontality. And, let's admit it: where   democracy 
is absent and centralism expands at the expense of both  sides,  bureaucracy 
prospers. And with it, dogma and corruption grow.  

Definitions of the term "bureaucracy" have filled huge books. No need  to  
recall them all. Let us restrict ourselves to the most basic  definitions.  
According to the Spanish Dictionary of the Royal Academy,  bureaucracy means 
an  
ensemble of public servants; always the excessive  influence of functionaries 
in  
public affairs; and lastly, inefficient  management, hampered by paperwork,  
rigidity and superfluous  formalities. 

José Martí foresaw the dangers of an uncontrolled  bureaucracy that had  
taken 
over the reins of power. He branded "the  bureaucratic life" as "a danger  
and 
a scourge" and hoped to see the  Cuban republic free from the "plague of the  
bureaucrats." Evidently,  the Apostle of Independence and Unifier of the 
Nation 
suspected that  bureaucracy, as a representative of the people's interests, 
might  at  some time ignore those interests and protect its own interests as 
a 
group  or  caste. In that sense, Martí anticipated the opinions of Sánchez  
Vázquez and  other theoreticians. 

Today in Cuba, the rigidity,  red tape and inefficient management attributed  
to bureaucracy by the  Royal Academy dictionary has been a sort of Fairy  
Godmother in  reverse: everything her magic wand touches becomes a caricature 
of   
socialist aspirations. It mistreats and infects every creative achievement  
Fidel 
Castro's Revolution brought to Cuba. Adapting an image by the acerbic  
Italian  writer Giovanni Papini, bureaucracy -- transformed into a  
mentality, an 
ideology  -- holds the secret of an alchemy that turns  gold into excrement. 
In 
that sense,  it has been an unconscious or  involuntary accomplice of the 
U.S. 
blockade.  Maybe, also  unconsciously, it is to bureaucracy's advantage that 
the 
blockade  will  endure, as a guarantee of bureaucracy's interfering and 
anarchical   existence. 

In Cuba, then, an ideological and political confrontation  also seems  
inexcusable. On the table are two cards: the survival of  the Revolution, 
with  its 
string of goals and aspirations still not  fulfilled or deteriorated by  
almost 
20 years of limitations; or its  detour along paths that will denaturalize  
it. 
Because they are  improvisational, cumbersome, limiting and alienating,  
bureaucratic  indifference and inefficiency tend to liquidate the cause of  
socialism  
in the heart of the people. And the antidote would be the same people   using 
more democratic spaces and controls, even in the economy.  

Formulas don't exist, of course, except for the now-useless ones.  Socialist  
solutions in Cuba will have to find their own way. And, in  these 
circumstances,  that is almost paradoxical. Can bureaucracy, with  its 
pseudo-revolutionary  
affectations, its reluctance to consider any  new idea, execute and support a 
 
process of readjustment that is  careful but bold and timely? 

It seems that, first, it will have to be  reduced to the dictionary  
definition: an ensemble of public servants.  That's its ideal state. But will 
we  be 
brave enough to oblige it --  like the tamer to a tiger -- to walk, head low, 
 to 
the corner where it  belongs? 

Luis Sexto is a journalist and professor at the School of  Communications of  
the University of Havana. Last week he was named  recipient of the 2009 Jose  
Marti National Journalism Award. He writes  for several national publications 
and  has contributed to foreign  publications. Now he contributes to Progreso 
 
Semanal.
 
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