Collapse in Living Standards in America: More Poverty By Any Measure
15 million unemployed, homelessness has increased by 50 percent in some cities

By Christine Vestal

URL of this article: www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=20124

Global Research, July 14, 2010
Stateline - 2010-07-08

More than 15 million Americans are unemployed, homelessness has
increased by 50 percent in some cities, and 38 million people are
receiving food stamps, more than at any time in the program?s almost
50-year history.



Evidence of rising economic hardship is ample. There?s one commonly
used standard for measuring it: the U.S. Census Bureau?s poverty rate.
It guides much of federal and state spending aimed at helping those
unable to make a decent living.



But a number of states have become convinced that the federal figures
actually understate poverty, and have begun using different criteria
in operating state-based social programs. At the same time,
conservative economists are warning that a change in the formula to a
threshold that counts more people as poor could lead to an
unacceptable increase in the cost of federal and state social service
programs.



When Census publishes new numbers for 2009 in September, experts
predict they?ll show a steep rise in the poverty rate. One independent
researcher estimates the data will show the biggest year-to-year
increase in recorded history.



According to Richard Bavier, a former analyst for the federal Office
of Management and Budget, already available data about employment
rates, wages, and food stamp enrollment suggest that an additional 5.7
million people were officially poor in 2009. That would bring the
total number of people with incomes below the federal poverty
threshold to more than 45 million. The poverty rate, Bavier expects,
will hit 15 percent ? up from 13.2 percent in 2008, when the Great
Recession first started to take its toll.



Still, the U.S. Census Bureau?s new numbers will offer only a partial
picture of how the nation?s sputtering economy is affecting the
poorest Americans ? a problem state officials and the Obama
administration want to address.



Overestimating food costs



The current formula for setting the federal poverty line ? unchanged
since 1963 ? takes the cost of food for an individual or family and
multiplies the number by three, under the assumption that people spend
one-third of their incomes putting meals on the table. While the
formula may have been a good way to estimate a subsistence cost of
living in the early 1960s, experts say food now represents only
one-eighth of a typical household budget, with expenses such as
housing and child care putting increasing pressure on struggling
families.



In addition, the official measure fails to account for regional
differences in the cost of housing, it doesn?t include medical
expenses or transportation, and at $22,000 for a family of four, the
poverty line is considered by many to be simply too low.



Equally worrisome for policy makers is the Census Bureau?s failure to
consider in-kind federal and state aid in calculating income. The
existing formula counts only pre-tax cash income, leaving out such
benefits as food stamps, housing vouchers and child-care subsidies, as
well as federal and state tax credits for the working poor.



As a result, the nation?s official poverty count is unaffected by the
billions spent on safety-net programs. Yet it remains by far the most
frequently used measurement of how well governments are taking care of
their most vulnerable citizens.



Conservatives have consistently argued that if safety-net programs
were taken into account, the poverty rate would be much lower. At the
same time, advocates for the poor have argued that poverty counts
would be much higher if the cost of housing, child care and other
expenses were factored in.



Nearly two decades ago, Congress asked the National Academies of
Science (NAS) to revisit the official poverty measure and come up with
recommendations for a new measure that would satisfy critics on both
ends of the spectrum.



This past March, the Obama administration said it would use the NAS
1995 guidelines to update the federal government?s poverty calculation
and promised to unveil the first new ?supplemental poverty measure? in
September of 2011.



?The new supplemental poverty measure will provide an alternative lens
to understand poverty and measure the effects of anti-poverty
policies,? Under Secretary of Commerce Rebecca Blank said. ?Moreover,
it will be dynamic and will benefit from improvements over time based
on new data and new methodologies.?



Under the NAS recommendations, Commerce Department expenditure data
for food, clothing, shelter and other household expenses would be used
to set a poverty threshold for a reference family of four ? two adults
and two children. Then a family or individual?s resources would be
compared to that line by including income and in-kind benefits, with
taxes and other non-discretionary expenses, such as medical expenses
and child care, excluded.



Because many expect the new calculation will result in a higher
poverty count, the March announcement met with fiery criticism from
some conservatives who charged the federal government could ill afford
to increase its safety-net spending.



State experiments



But state and local policy makers applauded the move because they said
it would give them the tools they need to assess the effectiveness of
anti-poverty programs.



In New York City, for example, where an NAS-type poverty measure was
adopted three years ago, Mayor Michael Bloomberg said the new data
would allow the city to pinpoint who needs assistance most and which
of the city?s social services have been most effective at improving
its residents? standard of living.



Using an updated measurement, New York City found that children ? the
recipients of a broad range of social welfare programs ? were less
poor than originally thought, while elders, who were struggling with
previously unaccounted for medical expenses, were poorer.



As states become increasingly challenged by shrinking revenues and
rising numbers of people in need, more than a dozen have set up
commissions to help low-income families and many have set poverty
reduction goals.



Among them, Minnesota and Connecticut have used NAS-like formulas to
assess the effectiveness of current and proposed anti-poverty
measures.



With technical assistance from the public policy research group The
Urban Institute, both states used the results to support aggressive
anti-poverty campaigns. Minnesota has a Legislative Commission to End
Poverty in Minnesota by 2020, and Connecticut created a Child Poverty
and Prevention Council with the goal of cutting child poverty in half
by 2014.



Connecticut found only a slight increase in the number of people
living in poverty when using the updated calculation ? 21,000 people
in 2006, compared to 20,000 using the existing Census measure.



But it got very different results when determining which public
assistance programs did the most to reduce poverty. Under previous
assumptions, child care subsidies and adult education and job training
were seen as the most highly effective at moving people out of poverty
over time. But the new formula showed that increasing enrollment in
programs such as food stamps, energy assistance and subsidized housing
was a more effective way to reduce child poverty in the near term. As
a result, the state redoubled its outreach efforts to sign up as many
low-income families as possible for these federally-funded programs.



In Minnesota, where the results were similar, a bipartisan legislative
committee recommended the state refine its definition of poverty,
build public awareness, and carefully monitor the impact of all major
legislation on existing anti-poverty programs.



Both states joined 12 others earlier this year in calling on the
federal government to adopt an NAS-like formula that would ?consider
the increased financial burden of housing, child care, and health care
on the modern American family while recognizing the benefit of
critical work supports such as tax credits, food stamps, and other
non-cash subsidies.?



The administration?s supplemental poverty measure remains
controversial, and some leaders on both ends of the political spectrum
are urging Congress and the administration not to adopt the new
formula for purposes of allocating federal funding or determining
individual eligibility anytime soon.



If used to parse federal grants among states, it could radically
change the amount of money each state receives. It stands to reason,
for example, that a family of four trying to make it on $22,000 would
have an easier time in rural Alabama than they would in suburban
Massachusetts. And should the new measure be used to set individual
eligibility for safety net programs, some are fearful that current
recipients would be disqualified if all of their federal and state
benefits were counted.



For the Obama administration, the Census Bureau?s current measure is
problematic because it will fail to show the benefits of at least $100
billion in 2009 stimulus money spent for low-income families. ?Even
so, as those direct subsidies and other job-creating federal funds are
phased out, advocates expect the poverty rate will shoot up again next
year, when the data is in for 2010.




Contact Christine Vestal at cves...@stateline.org

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