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Louis was kind enough to post a link to the article by John Foster and me in 
the November Monthly Review. We are proud of this piece. We think it avoids the 
dismissal of Piketty by some on the left because he is not a Marxist. And it 
also avoids the adulation others gave Piketty, as if he invented the study of 
inequality. We would love to get comments on the article. Here is an excerpt:
"The second main justification of the system provided by neoclassical 
economics—the notion that capitalism promotes a kind of equality, at least in 
terms of the determination of earnings by the marginal productivity of factors 
(and individuals)—has shown itself to be just as false. As this has become more 
apparent neoclassical economists have sought to declare the whole issue out of 
bounds. Martin Feldstein, chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors under 
President Reagan, replied to critics of the Robin Hood-in-reverse policies of 
Reaganomics by stating, “Why there has been increasing inequality in this 
country is one of the big puzzles in our field and has absorbed a lot of 
intellectual effort. But if you ask me whether we should worry about the fact 
that some people on Wall Street and basketball players are making a lot of 
money, I say no.”15 Likewise Robert Lucas, Jr. of the University of Chicago, 
the most influential macroeconomist of his day, was merely stating the dominant 
view of the profession and of the establishment as a whole when he opined in 
2004, “Of the tendencies that are harmful to sound economics, the most 
seductive, and in my opinion the most poisonous, is to focus on questions of 
[income] distribution.”16
Feldstein’s and Lucas’s sharp dismissals of any concern over income and wealth 
distribution reflected the mainstream economic view that inequality is benign 
precisely because it can be attributed to different levels of marginal 
productivity and the corresponding different education and skill sets. In this 
accounting, a person’s income is simply a function of his or her productivity 
and willingness to work. People are poor because they are not very productive 
or because they have a weak attachment to the labor force as a result of their 
own choices. Productivity is driven in the main by the willingness of 
individuals to invest in their “human capital,” and the most important type of 
such investment is education. Attachment to the labor force depends on “leisure 
preferences” of individuals. This refers to the relative weight potential 
workers place upon the utility they will gain by buying the goods and services 
that an increase in income makes possible—while factoring in, through a benefit 
and cost calculus, the happiness they could have by not working, by choosing 
more free time. Thus those with high incomes are presumed to have invested in 
their human capital and have low leisure preferences, while for the poor the 
opposite is true.
Modern technology, in this view, has only made human capital more important. 
Many people have been left behind in the race to the top of the income 
distribution because they do not possess the knowledge that modern technology 
requires. Most mainstream economists do say that appropriate public policies 
could help reduce inequality, by, for example, making it easier for those 
without means to attend college. However, it would be dangerous, we are told, 
to reduce inequality too much—for example, through free higher education for 
all—because then individuals would not have an incentive to work hard and be 
productive. This would be to the detriment of the capacity of the economy to 
grow and thus to provide the extra income needed to distribute to those at the 
bottom. Equality is therefore self-defeating.
The Mad Hatter logic of neoclassical economics can actually be used to 
demonstrate that in perfectly competitive markets there can be no wage and 
salary inequality at all!17 Consider a woman making a career decision. Assume, 
as does the neoclassical economist, that she has complete knowledge of the 
wages and benefits associated with every occupation she is considering 
entering. She also knows the costs of the education and training necessary for 
employment in each occupation, as well as the income she will lose by not 
working while she is getting this schooling and training. Any particular 
negative aspects of an occupation, such as physical danger, are also known, as 
are their costs. What should she do? She will weigh the benefits against the 
costs of each occupation and pick the one for which the net benefits are 
highest.
Implicit in this scenario is a wage for each occupation that at least covers 
the cost of entering it. Competition in the marketplace will, in fact, make the 
wage just equal to the entry cost. An occupation with a wage higher than the 
entry cost will attract new applicants; this will put downward pressure on the 
wage and upward pressure on the costs (as more people demand schooling and 
training); and eventually, the above average wage-cost difference will 
disappear. Remarkably, this theory shows that, while some workers earn higher 
wages than others, these higher wages simply reflect higher entry costs. A 
doctor is therefore not really better off than a motel room cleaner; in terms 
of wages minus costs, they are in exactly the same position. Voilà! At least as 
far as labor income is concerned, there can be no inequality."
Full at 
http://monthlyreview.org/2014/11/01/piketty-and-the-crisis-of-neoclassical-economics/
                                     
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