******************** POSTING RULES & NOTES ********************
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
*****************************************************************
he Coalition Question
Syriza fell short of an absolute parliamentary majority, electing 149 of
the 151 MPs necessary to form a single-party government. Its decision to
enter a coalition government with the Independent Greeks (ANEL), a
right-wing anti-austerity party, has been the subject of much debate.
The outcome is certainly not ideal. But in assessing whether the
decision amounts to an error, we must take into account the difficulties
of the situation and political dynamics within parliament.
Had Syriza failed to form a majority government in three days, that
opportunity would have been given to the second leading vote getter, New
Democracy. To prevent this, Syriza would have had to ask for a
“tolerance vote” in parliament — a request that other parties promise
not to vote against Syriza’s proposals.
But this alternative was no alternative at all: the only other
anti-austerity party on the Left, the Communist Party of Greece (KKE),
would have not backed Syriza in such a vote. The other potential
partners for a coalition government would have been To Potami or Pasok,
which would have forced Syriza to an unthinkable withdrawal from its
debt renegotiation and broader social agenda.
A failed tolerance vote would likely have precipitated new elections —
an outcome favored by New Democracy, which has already begun reorienting
itself by repudiating the leadership of former Prime Minister Antonis
Samaras.
The “soap affair” (the absurd moment when Alexis Tsipras arrived at the
presidential palace to find that all the soap, toilet paper, towels, and
even the Wi-Fi passwords had been taken away by Samaras and his crew)
sparked intense criticism of Samaras in many right-wing newspapers, and
some anticipate a new political trajectory in which the party competes
for the center by rhetorically softening its neoliberal policies.
New elections could very well have given New Democracy a victory,
especially since so many Greek people say that they are willing to give
Syriza, a brand-new political force of outsiders and mavericks, “just
one opportunity” to show that it is capable of governing.
Even if a new round of elections were not called instantly, the constant
instability of a minority government would have risked showing Syriza
(and, by extension, the entire radical left) to be “irresponsible” and
incapable of taking steps to end the country’s humanitarian crisis. This
would have benefited the Right enormously.
Many on the Left rightly say that a certain amount of “irresponsibility”
is precisely what is needed. But if in the eyes of the majority a Syriza
failure is reason for a turn to the right, Greek society will be no
closer to this “irresponsibility,” which can only be implemented with
mass support.
Moreover, a minority government would have had to compromise much more
of its program than Syriza has had to (so far) in its coalition with
ANEL. ANEL, after all, completely accepted Syriza’s Thessaloniki Program
and received in return the only ministry they wanted — the Ministry of
Defense.
It’s true that this is not a small appointment, but it’s worth noting
that Syriza designated Kostas Isichos of its Left Platform to be deputy
minister of defense, a position the party can use to monitor and control
the ANEL leader assigned to head up the ministry. So it can hardly be
said that Syriza is unaware of the coalition’s risks and is not doing
what it can to mitigate these risks.
Syriza also assigned Tasia Christodoulopoulou, an important radical
lawyer, to lead the Ministry of Migration. Called by the mainstream
media “the soulless lawyer who wants to legalize all migrants,”
Christodoulopoulo is also well known as one of the founders of the
Solidarity 4 All Network.
This is a sign that Syriza is not willing to compromise on its basic
demands concerning migrants. Indeed, one of the government’s first
measures immediately grants Greek citizenship to all children of
migrants born in Greece. It is estimated that this measure will affect
more than 200,000 young people, providing them access to school,
education, and social security, as well as stopping expatriation
proceedings.
The only programmatic issue that is being temporarily postponed is
Greece’s potential NATO exit. This is by no means a minor issue, but is
perhaps also not the most urgent. Those standing in solidarity with
Syriza will need to closely watch developments related to NATO extrication.
Although a minority government has never taken power in Greece, it is
legally possible to do it. But our answer should not be a pure
“legalistic” one, but one that is capable of assessing the concrete
political situation and the relation of forces within the parliament and
society.
Many criticisms leveled at the decision to form the coalition government
are important and principled. It’s also true that this was not “the only
option.” But in assessing them and drawing lessons, we must make sure
our criticism does not ignore the real political dynamics at work,
especially if we are to equip ourselves to effectively critically
support Syriza in the months and years to come.
We don’t get to choose the conditions in which we make history, but if
we refuse to back down when history invites us onto its stage today, we
can shape the conditions in which we make history tomorrow.
full:
https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/02/syriza-first-days-coalition-government/
_________________________________________________________
Full posting guidelines at: http://www.marxmail.org/sub.htm
Set your options at:
http://lists.csbs.utah.edu/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com
