********************  POSTING RULES & NOTES  ********************
#1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
#2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived.
#3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern.
*****************************************************************

The Class Logic Behind Austerity Policies In the Euro-Area:
Can SYRIZA Put Forward a Progressive Alternative?

by John Milios
The   B u l l e t, Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 1124
June 1, 2015
<http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/1124.php#continue>

. . .
A new wave of radical domestic institutional changes is urgently
needed in order to build on a new basis the social alliances with the
subordinate classes. What is missing is a domestic ‘memorandum against
the wealthy’ which will improve the living conditions of the working
people. The oft-stated goal of the left that ‘capital should pay for
the crisis’ has never been more to the point.

This internal dynamic will strengthen the effectiveness of
negotiations with lenders. The issue is political. The neoliberal trap
can be broken if the Greek government makes it clear that if forced,
and in order not to breach the mandate given to it by the electorate,
will dare to delay reimbursement payments, until an agreement with the
Institutions has been reached.  In order to be successful in this
internal dynamic, the Greek government must stick with the class
prejudices of SYRIZA's programme: the protection of the interests of
social majority against those of capitalist oligarchy.

This necessary partisanship is often characteristic of the speeches
and declarations of the Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras. But this does
not always appear as the agenda of the Greek Finance Minister, Yanis
Varoufakis.  Soon after the election, he suggested publicly that 70
per cent of the Memorandum is good for Greece. The SYRIZA government
did not come to power supporting 70 per cent of the Memorandum. If
SYRIZA had pledged so, it would probably not be included in the
parliamentary map today, playing the key role.  Such notions redefine
the SYRIZA mandate and amount practically to an attempt to change the
social alliances which have supported so far the historical experiment
of a left government in Greece.

A new similar attempt was put forward by Yanis Varoufakis with the
following declaration at the 20th Banking Forum of the Union of Greek
Bankers, on the 22nd of April, 2015:  “In the year 2015, after five
years of catastrophic recession, where ultimately everybody is a
victim, there are only a few cunning people who have profited from
this crisis. The era in which a government of the Left was by
definition contrary to the milieu of entrepreneurship has passed. If
we get to a point when there is growth, we can start talking again
about conflicting labour and capital interests. Today we are
together.”

Furthermore, it is characteristic that in the Memorandum, economic
growth relies on exports and every wage increase is automatically
considered as being against competitiveness. No matter how empirically
erroneous this perspective is, it still reflects the viewpoint of the
Institutions and, unfortunately, still of the Greek Ministry of
Finance.

The mainstream approaches that we have presented, do not reflect the
positions of the Finance Minister alone.  A considerable part of
SYRIZA's cadres comprehends austerity and the Memoranda as simply ‘an
economic mistake’, merely in the sense that it constitutes a recipe
for recession that is unable to boost growth.

In a society where the loss of 25 per cent of GDP and the
impoverishment of large part of the population is just the visible
aspect of the rapid intensification of social inequalities, in a
society where mass unemployment is the numerical complement of a
severe deterioration in working conditions, in a society of multiple
contradictions and expectations, the policy of the SYRIZA government
can only become hegemonic if it clearly supports the interests of the
working majority in their struggle against capital.  There is no room
for a policy generally and loosely defending everything ‘Greek’ or
‘European’.  Such an approach never has, and never will represent the
perspective of the Left.

We face a historic challenge and we must respond without hesitations
and vacillation.
   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _   _
John Milios is Professor of Political Economy, National Technical
University of Athens, and member of the Central Committee of SYRIZA.

Talk written for the Forum international – 20-22 mai 2015 – Lausanne
(Suisse): “Le troisième âge du capitalisme, sa physionomie
socio-politique à l’orée du XXIe siècle. En mémoire d’Ernest Mandel
(1923-1995)”.

_________________________________________________________
Full posting guidelines at: http://www.marxmail.org/sub.htm
Set your options at: 
http://lists.csbs.utah.edu/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com

Reply via email to