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The IMF’s “Tough Choices” on Greece
by James K. Galbraith
Project Syndicate, June 16
<http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/imf-greece-debt-restructuring-by-james-k-galbraith-2015-06>

ATHENS – The International Monetary Fund’s chief economist, Olivier
Blanchard, recently asked a simple and important question: “How much
of an adjustment has to be made by Greece, how much has to be made by
its official creditors?” But that raises two more questions: How much
of an adjustment has Greece already made? And have its creditors given
anything at all?
. . .
Blanchard insists that now is the time for “tough choices, and tough
commitments to be made on both sides.” Indeed it is. But the Greeks
have already made tough choices. Now it is the IMF’s turn, beginning
with the decision to admit that the policies it has imposed for five
long years created a disaster. For the other creditors, the toughest
choice is to admit – as the IMF knows – that their Greek debts must be
restructured. New loans for failed policies – the current joint
creditor proposal – is, for them, no adjustment at all.
   _   _   _   _   _   _   _
James K. Galbraith, the author of The End of Normal, is a professor at
the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs, University of Texas.


The Endgame in Greece
by Jeffrey D. Sachs
Project Syndicate, June 16
<http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/greece-endgame-eurozone-default-by-jeffrey-d-sachs-2015-06>

PARIS – After months of wrangling, the showdown between Greece and its
European creditors has come down to a standoff over pensions and
taxes. Greece is refusing to acquiesce to demands by its creditors
that it cut payments to the elderly and raise the value-added tax on
their medicine and electricity.

Europe’s demands – ostensibly aimed at ensuring that Greece can
service its foreign debt – are petulant, naive, and fundamentally
self-destructive. In rejecting them, the Greeks are not playing games;
they are trying to stay alive.

Whatever one might say about Greece’s past economic policies, its
uncompetitive economy, its decision to join the eurozone, or the
errors that European banks made when they provided its government with
excessive credit, the country’s economic plight is stark. Unemployment
stands at 25%. Youth unemployment is at 50%.

Greece’s GDP, moreover, has shrunk by 25% since the start of the
crisis in 2009. Its government is insolvent. Many of its citizens are
hungry.
. . .
Unfortunately, the continent remains split along tribal lines.
Germans, Finns, Slovaks, and Dutch – among others – have no time for
the suffering of Greeks. Their political leaders tend to their own,
not to Europe in any true sense. Relief for Greece is an especially
fraught issue in countries where far-right parties are on the rise or
center-right governments face popular left-wing opposition.

To be sure, European politicians are not blind to what is happening in
Greece. Nor have they been completely passive. At the beginning of the
crisis, Greece’s European creditors eschewed debt relief and charged
punitive interest rates on bailout funds. But, as Greeks’ suffering
intensified, policymakers pressed private-sector banks and other
bondholders to write off most of their claims. At each stage of the
crisis, they have done only what they believed their national politics
would bear – no more.
. . .
Rather than confront the political obstacles, Europe’s leaders are
hiding behind a mountain of pious, nonsensical rhetoric. Some insist
that Greece finish its payment program, regardless of the humanitarian
and economic consequences – not to mention the failure of all previous
Greek governments to meet its terms. Others pretend to worry about the
moral-hazard implications of debt relief, despite the fact that the
country’s private-sector debt has already been written off at EU
insistence, and that there are dozens, if not hundreds, of precedents
for restructuring the debts of insolvent sovereigns.
. . .
Today, Greece’s European creditors seem ready to abandon their solemn
pledges on the irrevocability of the euro in order to insist on
collecting some crumbs from the country’s pensioners. Should they
press their demands, forcing Greece to exit, the world will never
again trust the euro’s longevity. At a minimum, the eurozone’s weaker
members will undergo increased market pressures. In the worst case,
they will be hit by a new vicious circle of panic and bank runs, also
derailing the incipient European recovery. With Russia testing
Europe’s resolve to the east, the timing of Europe’s gamble could not
be worse.

The Greek government is right to have drawn the line. It has a
responsibility to its citizens. The real choice, after all, lies not
with Greece, but with Europe.
   _   _   _   _   _   _   _
Jeffrey D. Sachs, Professor of Sustainable Development, Professor of
Health Policy and Management, and Director of the Earth Institute at
Columbia University, is also Special Adviser to the United Nations
Secretary-General on the Millennium Development Goals. His books
include The End of Poverty, Common Wealth, and, most recently, The Age
of Sustainable Development.
Read more at 
http://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/jeffrey-d-sachs#gUSuETmSe0sErivY.99

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