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No to blackmail and compromise with austerity in Greece
Socialist Worker, Britain, June 28
<http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/art/40807/No+to+blackmail+and+compromise+with+austerity+in+Greece>

The Greek government, led by the left party Syriza, has called a
referendum on the austerity agreement the European Union (EU) and
International Monetary Fund (IMF) are trying to impose. These bodies
hold most of Greece’s foreign debt after bailing out the bankers, and
have pushed through vicious austerity measures in “memorandums” with
previous governments. The vote is set to take place on Sunday of next
week. The following is a statement by the Greek Socialist Workers
Party (SEK).

*Statement by the Greek Socialist Workers Party*

We vote NO to the agreement. The government should get back all the
concessions that have been made.

We need a united front for cancelling the debt, leaving the EU and
nationalising the banks.

The government has announced a referendum. The massive resistance to
compromise with the blackmailers of the IMF and the EU forced the
government not to sign an agreement.

This development is a step forward for all those who fought and fight
against the old and new memorandums.

The dockers who went on strike against the privatisation of Piraeus
port, the hospital workers who went on strike asking for money and
more staff for the health service, the thousands who came out against
the agreement—this is the force that said no to blackmail, no to
compromise.

Now we must continue to crush the right wing and liberal parties that
are loyal to the Troika and its memorandums. On Sunday vote a massive
No to the agreement.

But do not stop there.

We demand that the government of the left proceed directly to
implement the promises it made to the labour movement in order to get
elected.

Cancel the old and new memorandums, provide work for the unemployed,
increase wages, pensions and money for schools, hospitals, local
governments and pension funds.

The money to fund them should come from

Cancelling the debt—here and now, without exceptions.
Nationalising all the banks
Leaving the euro and the EU and embarking on a struggle for workers’ control

In this battle we have support from the working class throughout
Europe. They have rallied against the EU and the IMF in all major
cities.
What is needed is the strengthening of the revolutionary left. To
fight together to overturn the agreement and make way for a new
society without the burdens of bankrupt capitalism.

Do not stop the fight against extortionists and compromises.



Greece imposes capital controls as Troika escalates blackmail
Written by Jorge Martín Monday, 29 June 2015
In Defense Of Marxism, IMT
<http://www.marxist.com/greece-imposes-capital-controls-as-troika-escalates-blackmail.htm
. . .
Analysts at JP Morgan, probably summarised the position of big capital
when they said: “We expect the referendum to vote in favour of
accepting the creditors' proposal. Our base case is that Tsipras steps
down as PM, and a unity government is formed which negotiates a deal
with the creditors.” Although when it says “we expect” one should
perhaps read “we hope”.

… and the government response

The response of the government was to impose a bank holiday lasting
until 7 July, during which people will only be able to withdraw 60
euro a day. Capital controls will also prevent any outflow of money
from the country. This was the only possible response to the
provocative moves of the Troika. For the duration of the bank holiday,
public transportation in Athens will be free.

In announcing these measures, Tsipras made an appeal for calm. He
lambasted the decision of the Troika not to grant Greece a temporary
extension of the bailout: “It is clear that the objective of the
decision of the eurogroup and the ECB is to attempt to blackmail the
will of the Greek people and to hinder democratic processes, namely
the holding of the referendum. They will not succeed. These decisions
will only serve to bring about the very opposite result. They will
further strengthen the resolve of the Greek people to reject the
unacceptable memorandum proposals and the institutions’ ultimatums.”

This was accompanied by an appeal for the masses to mobilise to
Athens’s Syntagma Square on Monday, June 29. This is completely
correct, as the referendum will be a battle which can not be won on
the ballot box alone, but rather, has to be fought through mass
mobilisation in the streets.
 . . .
There is, of course, a mood of uncertainty in Greece today, with banks
closed, some queues at ATMs, a campaign by the powerful capitalist
media to create panic, queues at gas stations and panic shopping at
some supermarkets. The crucial question is however, who will the
people blame for this situation. Opinion polls before the calling of
the referendum showed that a majority, correctly, put the blame on the
Troika.

There has been a lot of talk about two opinion polls which allegedly
show that the majority of the Greek people favour staying within the
euro and therefore would vote ‘yes’ in the referendum. This is
extremely misleading and does not reflect the real mood. These opinion
polls were carried before the referendum was called, between June 24
and 26. At that time it seemed that the government and the Troika were
getting close to signing a deal and although the people were aware
that this was not a very good deal, it is understandable that they
considered it as the only option and as ‘better than nothing’.

That bears no resemblance to the mood after Tsipras announced the
calling of the referendum and denounced the Troika as blackmailers
while explaining the scandalous nature of the proposals which amounted
to yet again, making working people pay for the crisis.

A young Greek woman interviewed by the Spanish “20 minutos” today put
it in the following way: "I feel like I was entering into a
revolution, like we are going to shown them what we are capable of".
For Marilena, the citizens are not angry, but "ready for a fight". She
said she supports Tsipras "because he has balls" and "we do not accept
the blackmail". She didn't vote in January, but now she feels "our
future is at stake".

The convening of the referendum has broken the impasse of what seemed
to be endless negotiations and even greater concessions on the part of
the government to the Troika, to be followed by even harsher demands.
Now the camps are clear and they are lining up for a clash. The morale
of the troops is all important in any war and will be decisive also on
Sunday, July 5th.

The KKE and the referendum

In this respect it is worth commenting on the position taken by the
Communist Party (KKE), which is one of rejecting the referendum as a
false dilemma and calling for a spoilt vote. The Communist Party of
Greece is a sizeable organisation with many excellent working class
and youth militants, with a significant influence amongst the
organised working class. On Friday, June 26, it was able to call a
large demonstration against the latest deal which was being negotiated
by the Troika and the government. Their arguments against both the
ultimatum and the government proposals to the Troika are completely
correct. There is nothing to choose between those two.

However, at a time when the Greek people are being divided into two
opposite camps, one supporting the Troika ultimatum, the continuation
of austerity, and the other opposing it, the position of the KKE is to
stay aloof from this battle, which they consider phony. While it is
true that Tsipras regards this conflict as a way of getting a stronger
hand at the negotiations, people perceive it is as a chance to deliver
a blow against the Troika. In order for revolutionaries to win over
the masses of working people, they need to be able to relate to this
mood and help the people draw all the necessary conclusions. This
would be a genuine Leninist policy, as for instance implemented
against the Kornilov coup in 1917 or as advocated by Lenin in “Left
Wing Communism”. The opposite is the sectarian madness of the “third
period” policies of the Communist International between 1928 to 1933
which has disastrous results.

If the KKE leadership continues with these policies towards the
referendum, it will lose another large chunk of its voters and
members, as was the case as a result of its sectarianism in the two
parliamentary elections in 2012, when the party went from 8.5 to 5% of
the vote.

What we are saying is not that the KKE should suspend its criticism of
the Syriza leadership and its utopian idea that a deal with the Troika
was possible. On the contrary. That criticism is correct and should be
maintained (as the Communist Tendency of Syriza has consistently
done). What the KKE leadership should say to the hundreds of thousands
who will be mobilised in the course of the week to oppose the Troika’s
ultimatum is: “we are with you, we will fight shoulder to shoulder
against the Troika, but we have no trust in the leadership of Syriza,
even if we win the referendum, in order to end austerity we must
repudiate the debt and break with capitalism.”

Which way forward?

In his televised address to the nation on Sunday night, Tsipras
appealed for calm, as well as announcing capital controls. But it is
not enough to appeal for calm in the face of the sabotage of the
Troika and their allies in Greece, the Greek capitalist class. The
defensive measures taken by the government are necessary, but not
enough. The people need to be reassured that their savings are safe,
that their wages and pensions are going to be paid and that there is a
government prepared to take any measures necessary to defend their
livelihoods.

As well as a bank holiday and capital controls, the government should
declare the immediate expropriation of all banks, as a way of
safeguarding the deposits of small savers. But the banks are bankrupt,
in effect. The government is also bankrupt. Even the latest proposal
of an €8bn package of savings and increased revenue would have only
guaranteed a 1% primary budget surplus (that is, before debt
repayment). The only way for the government to have the necessary
amount of money to pay for wages and pensions and keep the basic state
functions running is by seizing the assets of the capitalists.

The need to bring the key sectors of the economy under collective
ownership is not some utopian demand, but a concrete necessity
dictated by the situation.

Contrary to the illusions of some in the Greek left (the main
spokespersons of Syriza’s Left Platform included), the exit from the
euro might be necessary and perhaps inevitable at this stage, but it
is not a solution, nor a way forward, on a capitalist basis. The
restoration of a Greek currency on the basis of capitalism would
immediately mean a massive devaluation, trade restrictions on the part
of the EU, hyperinflation and a frightful deepening of the economic
recession.

Yes, deals might be arrived at with Russia, China and even Venezuela.
These, however would be limited in scope and also come with strings
attached. Russia and China are already involved in some of the
privatisation processes and would demand their continuation, which
would go against the January 25 mandate. The Greek economy has become
linked to that of the EU and would be severely dislocated by Grexit.

The justified fear of economic collapse once the country is expelled
from the euro will be an important factor in the referendum. Only by
taking decisive action to bring the economy under state control and
starting to put under democratic control and planning, can the
government combat such fears.

By delivering decisive blows against capitalism (expropriation of
capitalist assets, unilateral repudiation of the debt, extension the
emergency program of social rescue, etc.), Syriza would be able to
consolidate and extend the mood of defiance as well as arousing the
enthusiastic support of working people throughout Europe who already
feel an instinctive solidarity with the Greek people faced with the
impositions of the Troika.

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