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the left unity statement was released by its executive committee -- so it
is official in that sense. the Neil Davidson piece is also good.

On 26 June 2016 at 23:24, Jeff via Marxism <[email protected]>
wrote:

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> At 12:18 25-06-16 +1000, Stuart Munckton via Marxism wrote:>
> >https://www.greenleft.org.au/node/62001
> >
>
> I was going to jot down my views on the meaning of the Brexit movement, but
> having read the following (official?) article on the Left Unity website, I
> see that most everything I would have said is already in print, so I
> forward this text with great approval.
>
> Just on a personal note, however, I will acknowledge that, until it
> happened, I had underestimated the danger of the Brexit campaign (but I'm
> not in the UK, and in any case the role of the far-left in this debate was
> practically irrelevant, "#Lexit" included). So I would have taken the easy
> out and just urged voters not to support either of the two ruling-class
> positions, identified as the "abstentionist" position in the following, and
> washed my hands of the entire matter. Now I realize I should have been
> willing to get my hands dirty, so when the issue of "Nexit" comes up (as
> the notorious Islamophobe Geert Wilders is undertaking) I will strongly
> oppose it for the right-wing initiative that it is, as the following piece
> clearly argues in relation to the UK.
>
> - Jeff
>
>
> http://leftunity.org/brexit-and-the-crisis-on-the-british-left/
>
> Brexit and the Crisis on the British Left
>
> Neil Faulkner
>
> Taking a position on the EU Referendum was not easy. The in/out choice was
> essentially an argument inside the political and corporate elite about what
> was best for British capitalism. We do not wish to be ruled by either the
> City of London or the European Central Bank. Both are run by bankers. Both
> are hard-wired for financialisation, privatisation, and austerity. Both are
> mechanisms for hoovering wealth upwards to the 1%.
>
> One could have made a strong argument for abstention. It would have run
> like this. This is a dispute between two rival factions among our rulers
> about how best to organise exploitation and the accumulation of capital. It
> is an argument about how best to make profits. Either way, we get ripped
> off and they get richer. Working people are deluded if they think that
> either side represents them, or that either choice, in or out, benefits
> them.
>
> In theory, this argument is sound. But, as Goethe said, theory is grey and
> the tree of life is green. What is true in an abstract sense – that there
> is nothing to choose between the City of London and European Central Bank –
> is not true when you translate it into the concrete terms of a live
> political debate. I will come back to this. Before doing so, I want to say
> something about Lexit.
>
> While one could have made a strong argument for abstention – albeit an
> abstract one – the same cannot be said for the argument for voting Leave.
> It did not matter that the EU is a bankers’ club, that the EU is
> undemocratic, and that the EU is imposing austerity and privatisation. All
> true, and all irrelevant. Because exactly the same can be said for the
> alternative: the City of London.
>
> A somewhat more sophisticated version went like this. The EU is the
> mega-project of Europe’s political and corporate elite, including its
> semi-detached British syndicate. Brexit will throw this project into
> crisis. The crisis of their system will be our opportunity. We welcome the
> crisis of European capitalism caused by the breakup of the EU.
>
> Similar arguments have been presented in the past. The German Communist
> Party, under orders from Moscow, welcomed the crisis of the Weimar Republic
> in the early 1930s, refused to form an alliance against fascism with the
> German Social-Democratic Party (dubbed ‘social fascists’), and claimed that
> a Hitler dictatorship would be a stepping-stone to socialist revolution. We
> know the outcome.
>
> Let me spell out the basic underlying mistake here: it is to assume that
> any crisis – and any outbreak of mass discontent – must somehow benefit the
> Left. In fact, as Lenin explained, the ruling class can survive any crisis
> if the workers let it, and, as Trotsky explained, there are two parties in
> a crisis, the party of revolutionary hope (the socialists) and the party of
> counter-revolutionary despair (the fascists).
>
> I cannot condemn comrades on the Left who got this wrong during the
> Referendum campaign. They include many friends whose commitment, idealism,
> and decency are beyond question. But they must now stare reality in the
> face. So too must any abstainers who sought refuge in abstraction.
>
> If the monster of nationalism and racism incubating inside the Brexit camp
> was less than wholly apparent during the campaign, it is undeniable now.
> Yet I have seen revolutionaries whose opinions I used to respect claiming
> that the EU Referendum result represents ‘a class vote’ and that, because
> working-class communities voted heavily against the Remain camp, we are
> witness to a popular revolt against austerity and inequality.
>
> This is breathtaking stupidity. It is to make a nonsense of any distinction
> between ‘class in itself’ and ‘class for itself’: a vital distinction for
> Marx, who knew the great difference there was between the mere fact of
> class position – a matter of sociological description – and conscious mass
> struggle by working people acting for themselves to change the world.
> Indeed, in some sense, the whole of socialist activity is accounted for by
> this distinction.
>
> For socialists to think that millions of working people voting for Johnson,
> Gove, and Farage – who conducted the most racist election campaign in
> recent British history – can somehow be interpreted as ‘a class vote’, or,
> as the Lexit website claims, that the result constitutes ‘a left-wing
> victory’ leaves me struggling for the words.
>
> In a crisis, the Centre cannot hold, and popular discontent can be captured
> and channelled by the Right or by the Left. The Left has no hope if it
> cannot even tell the difference. So let me spell it out.
>
> The Brexit campaign was an anti-EU, anti-Westminster, anti-Establishment
> campaign – just as Hitler’s campaign was anti-Weimar in 1932. The Brexit
> campaign drew upon great pools of bitterness among those at the bottom of
> society, the victims of globalisation, neoliberalism, and austerity – just
> as Hitler was supported by the unemployed, the unorganised workers, the
> broken small businesses, the ‘little people’ who felt forgotten, ignored,
> and abused. And the Brexit campaign fanned a great upsurge of
> anti-immigrant racism – just as Hitler blamed the Jews.
>
> So the Brexit victory means a sharp lurch to the right. UKIP is surfing a
> wave. The Tory Right will take the leadership. New Labour has its
> slow-motion coup to get rid of Corbyn back on the rails (and those who
> doubt the right-wing trajectory of British politics should note that the
> line here is that Corbyn is disconnected from the Labour base because he is
> soft on immigration). Across Europe, the Far Right is toasting Brexit and
> demanding their own in/out referenda. The EU may well break up (pulled
> apart, please note, not by ‘the party of revolutionary hope’, but by ‘the
> party of counter-revolutionary despair’).
>
> We are living in dangerous times. Despite the juggernaut of corporate
> power, the grotesque greed of the rich, and the mounting social crisis
> afflicting working people and the poor, resistance is minimal and the Left
> – blighted by autonomism, sectarianism, and, in some quarters, a blank
> refusal to face reality – effectively irrelevant.
>
> Yet the Left must act. The global crisis is deep, intractable, and set to
> get worse. The historical stakes have never been higher. The Left has to
> build a fighting alternative based on mass struggle from below. A good
> start might be the simple recognition that the Brexit vote represents a
> right-wing tidal wave – a triumph of Trumpism – and that if we don’t get
> our act together soon, the danger is that the Far Right, here and across
> Europe, will harden into all-out Fascism.
>
>
> Neil Faulkner is a revolutionary socialist, a Brick Lane Debates activist,
> and the author of A Marxist History of the World: from neanderthals to
> neoliberals.
>
>
>
>
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