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He's not my president!
(from the Detroit Workers' Voice mailing list for Nov. 14, 2016)

Demonstrations have spread across the country against the election of Donald 
Trump. While Democratic Party bigwigs and establishment media were calling on 
people to give Trump a chance, indignant people have come out on the street 
declaring that Trump was "Not My President". The establishment figures are 
consoling themselves that market forces will supposedly tame Trump and the 
government will run as usual. But Trump's election marks a shift in the 
dominant trend in bourgeois policies, and activists aren't waiting for Trump 
and Congress to trample them. For day after day, there have been 
demonstrations against Trump and against racist incidents inspired by Trump's 
campaign. They have occurred around the country, including California, 
Michigan, Massachusetts, Oregon, Illinois, New York, Washington state, 
Washington, D.C., Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Maryland, Texas, Florida, Iowa, 
Kentucky, Georgia, and Louisiana. A Million Women March is being organized 
for January 21, the day after Trump's inauguration.

At the same time Trump's campaign has unleashed a lot of pent-up racism. His 
election has been taken by racists as an endorsement. The KKK in North 
Carolina is planning a victory parade to celebrate Trump's presidency. Across 
the country bigots are demonstrating in their own way: they are seeking out 
minorities and women in hijabs to insult and harass. It is a sign of the 
danger that confronts us.

Trump's racism and bigotry is fostered by the conservative section of the 
bourgeoisie. But Trump united the conservative and racist core of the 
Republicans with a section of the working masses who were susceptible to his 
demagogy or willing to ignore that aspect of Trump's campaign because they 
were tired of hearing the Democrats saying for year after year that 
everything was getting better, when this isn't true except for the wealthy.

Something similar has taken place elsewhere around the world where the bigots 
and reactionaries are on an offensive. In the Philippines Rodrigo Duterte was 
elected president earlier this year, and he is notorious for sponsoring 
vigilante murders and death squads in the name of a war on drugs and crime. 
In France, President Francois Hollande is vastly unpopular, and there is the 
danger that Marine Le Pen, leader of the fascistic National Front, will be 
elected president in next spring's elections. In Europe, as in Trump's 
campaign, the far right combines racism and anti-immigrant hysteria with the 
claim of opposing austerity. Hollande and his party may call themselves 
socialist, but many "socialist" parties combine the claim to be socialist 
with neoliberal measures against the masses; the French workers need 
something different to fight austerity and the right-wing.

With Trump's presidency, we are entering a period of intensified crisis in 
the US; this will be a period of yet more harassment and hardship for the 
working class. But it will also be a period in which many people are going to 
be drawn into action in one direction or the other, right or left. The 
demonstrations against Trump are important in setting an orientation of 
struggle.

The lack of a mass alternative on the left to the Democrats and Republicans 
is a problem. Many people can recognize the hatred and bigotry in Trump's 
declarations, and they want to fight it. It's harder for people to recognize 
all the neoliberal steps that make up the austerity program of the 
bourgeoisie. It's easy to recognize the absurdity of climate denial, but 
harder to recognize the futility of the neoliberal market measures that claim 
to deal with the environment. It's easier for people to build organizations 
that fight individual capitalist atrocities, but harder to build an overall 
opposition to the establishment and the program of the capitalist class.

Indeed, the radical left itself is still mired in a crisis of orientation, 
with some activists even supporting Russian imperialism in the guise of being 
"anti-war". The Green Party was the largest "third" party on the left, and it 
didn't do well in the recent elections. It makes a lot of economic promises, 
but is unable to make them sound credible. And in fact, the Green Party 
hasn't emancipated itself from neoliberalism: it's backing of tax and market 
measures as a main tool to fight global warming is in line with World Bank 
and IMF orthodoxy.

Bernie Sanders caught the mood of working people for change, and many more 
people are now talking about socialism. Most, like Sanders, see socialism as 
simply better policies within the current system, as something that could be 
brought by the Democrats if only they returned to how people imagined they 
were at one time. Still, Sanders' popularity reflects the hatred for the long 
years of being squeezed by austerity. Meanwhile the Democratic establishment 
rejected Sanders as its candidate for the presidency because his mild reforms 
were too much for them. This wasn't a mere political miscalculation; it's 
because the Democratic Party, like the Republican, reflects the standpoint of 
the bourgeoisie, and the bourgeoisie may have divisions over how to exploit 
the masses, but as a whole it still holds tight to strict market 
fundamentalism. This suggests that if Sanders had been the Democratic 
candidate, the bourgeoisie might have waged a bitter campaign against him, as 
they did against the left-wing writer Upton Sinclair in the Great Depression 
when he ran for governor of California in 1934 on a program called "End 
Poverty in California". Sinclair was a former member of the Socialist Party 
who ran in 1934 as a Democrat, and the EPIC movement was tremendously 
popular, with much more of an organization behind it than Sanders had. But 
the vicious smear campaign by the bourgeoisie against him resulted in his 
losing the election.

One after another of the establishment institutions that people thought would 
save them have betrayed them. But there isn't yet an alternative mass party 
that really backs their class needs. Perhaps in the 2018 elections, the 
Democrats will regain some of their losses against Trump and the Republicans 
will lose, but the Democratic Party can offer nothing but going back to its 
old promises.

We are left with the perspective of a protracted struggle to build new 
institutions as well as oppose the dictatorship of the wealthy embodied in 
Trump's presidency and the market fundamentalist offensive of the 
bourgeoisie. Trump's election has been met by protests, while such struggles 
as those against the North Dakota pipeline continue. The election of a 
reactionary cannot save the neoliberalism from its coming collapse.

Below are some of the comments on the election that have appeared on FB or 
elsewhere among supporters of the DWV list:

(*) In order to blame their loss on anyone but themselves, the Democrats are 
pointing their fingers at white workers. And it is true that many white 
workers voted for Trump. But was that because these workers are incorrigible 
racists? No, many had previously voted for the first Black president: "On 
average, the counties that voted for Obama twice and then flipped to support 
Trump were 81 percent white." https://www dot washingtonpost dot 
com/graphics/politics/2016-election/obama-trump-counties/

(*) Trump did better with Latinos and Blacks than Romney did. Think about 
that. An outright racist did better with people of color than the closeted, 
genteel, coded racist. Because he was a populist on class issues? Or because 
of the poor candidate he faced. Or both? (I think both.)

(*) One might also note one section after another of the working class has 
been devastated in recent years, while the mainstream Democrats say things 
are fine and help devastate these workers (auto workers, teachers, postal 
workers, people who lost their homes, etc.). It's self-defeating and a 
catastrophe that there were votes for the reactionary, racist, lying, 
anti-working class demagogue Trump from working people, but it wouldn't have 
happened without the Democrats helping devastate the workers and pushing 
neoliberal measures, even those policies bitterly hated by large sections of 
the working masses. The Democratic Party speaks in the name of the masses, 
but in reality, it is one of the two major establishment parties that 
represent the interests of the exploiters.

(*) A minor quibble with many posts I'm seeing: there is no "white working 
class." There is a working class. It's divided into various sections, 
including doubly or triply oppressed sections which must be stood up for if 
we are to build a revolutionary workers' movement.

(*) It's true that the support of white workers for Trump is not necessarily 
because they are racist, nor is it clear that Trump got the majority of white 
workers much less the working class as a whole of which the bourgeois 
statisticians haven't much of a clue. Still, it must be admitted, there does 
exist racism among some and among a broader section a sort of 
look-the-other-way attitude toward the vile Trump racism. But the Democrats 
have only themselves to blame for this. For they have cultivated their ties 
with the trade union bureaucrats, who have spent decades blaming immigrants 
for lack of jobs and economic woes. They have set the table for Trump's 
racist anti-immigrant rampages.

(*) Yes, I agree. This election was not primarily about racism, though Trump 
didn't stint on stoking that part of his base. The election was primarily 
about a strong anti-establishment sentiment among the masses. And the more 
the "establishment" -- bourgeois pundits, politicians etc -- denounced Trump, 
the more his appeal rose.

There's evidence that on both the Democratic and Republican sides, there was 
vote fraud during the primaries On the Dem's side, it was strongly slanted 
for Hillary and against Sanders. On the Rep's side, it was slanted against 
Trump and for Cruz and one other (I can't find the statistical analysis 
report right now, but it is interesting).

(*) I don't think the election was primarily about a strong 
anti-establishment sentiment among the masses, not unless xenophobia and 
misogyny are anti-establishment sentiments. And in Trump's ideology, his 
economic pipe dreams are connected to these sentiments. Some people 
apparently believe that by building a wall and persecuting Muslims, 
industrial jobs will return and wages will skyrocket. It's an economic 
fantasy tied to reaction.

The demonstrators in Portland, etc. are more correct when they protest 
against the election results and say "Not my president" -- not because of any 
voter fraud or miscount of ballots, but because Trumpism does not represent 
anything decent or anti-establishment.

(*) I'm not saying the Trump is actually anti-establishment in the broad 
sense, in the sense that he's somehow anti-capitalist, or even that people 
thought that he is. Of course not.

I'm saying that in a narrower sense, the establishment Democrats did 
everything they could to sabotage Sanders' candidacy. For whatever criticisms 
can legitimately be lodged against him, to the masses he looked like a break 
with the Democratic Party neoliberal agenda. And good-hearted liberals 
despised the chosen Democratic candidate more than usual.

And I think there was a similar phenomenon on the reactionary side. The more 
the establishment) media, politicians, and whoever else raved against Trump, 
the more they said he was unsuited, too unpredictable, inexperienced, and so 
on, the more popular he got. The more the Republican Party bigwigs took an 
"anybody but Trump" position, the more they defected from the party, the more 
they predicted his downfall, the more those who are disgusted with business 
as usual -- including some Sanders supporters -- supported him. And I believe 
that is because he looked like a break with business as usual, an "outsider". 
He presented himself as the anti-politician, anti-establishment, and I think 
that's why (albeit mainly white) working class people voted for him. He did 
have other bases of support, but to the degree he had support among the 
masses, I think this is a significant part of it.

Of course, there is the tie in to the national chauvinism of the unions. The 
hacks have been promoting the same line Trump is, for years. Certainly that 
also had an effect.

(*) Showing that the blame for the trump victory falls on the Democrats and 
the Democratic National Committee matters greatly. It matters in so far as 
who the workers look to for leadership now. We need a working class movement 
and a working class party, independent of both big capitalist parties. 
Recognizing that the Democrats are not on the side of the workers is crucial 
to that. The Democrats have long sold themselves as the friends of the 
workers. They have scores of top labor misleaders in their pockets. We the 
workers need to break away from that, not to go to Trump of course, but to 
build a movement in our own interests directly, which are the interests of 
the majority of the society.

(*) On day one of the Trump era, 3000 people turned out in Seattle to 
denounce him! They were overwhelmingly militant youth of all nationalities, 
but majority white. They brought homemade signs, and SA had printed placards 
reading: Build the resistance to Trump; Fight racism; Solidarity, not 
scapegoating; and Capitalism doesn't work. An anti-North Dakota Pipeline 
group also had a big banner as well as smaller ones. I could barely hear the 
speeches, but the main theme was building a movement against Trump. And every 
time one speaker talked about socialism as the alternative to the ills of 
capitalism, there was loud applause by hundreds and hundreds of youths - 
basically, everyone who could hear her. Eventually a young man burned an 
American flag to more applause and cheers, and we marched. Militant chants 
included: Black live matter; Not my president; Fuck Trump; "What do we do 
when xxx are under attack? Stand up, fight back"; one against misogyny; many 
others I can't remember.

So while all the ideological and organizational problems the movement had 
yesterday are very much still with us, the conditions pretty clearly exist 
for organizing an advance in the face of Trumpite reaction. Among other 
things, I think that basic Marxist works need be circulated/popularized among 
this new wave of youth (e.g., "The Communist Manifesto", "Wage-labor and 
Capital", "The State and Revolution", "What is to be Done?"), as well as 
agitational leaflets against racist police murders, in defense of the 
environment, women's rights and immigrants, in support of economic struggles, 
and against all the outrages Trump will unleash.

The Democrats are blaming the people for Trump's victory, as are even a few 
friends here on Facebook. But I'm entirely against that. What we need to 
focus on is helping enlighten the masses of people, and helping them 
organize.

(*) One week ago the Democrats and bourgeois press were screaming against 
Trump as a demagogue and fascist. But the day after the election Obama came 
out to say, "we're actually all on one team" with this ultra-nationalist 
reactionary, and Clinton said "We owe him an open mind and the chance to 
lead." And today the entire Democratic Party and media establishment is 
filling the airwaves with soothing words about Trump-"the man who can worked 
with." A white-nationalist and anti-Semite as a White House adviser? 
"We're...all on one team"! Appointment of a human-caused-global-warming 
denier to the Cabinet? "We owe him an open mind"! Meanwhile, Trump himself 
has promised to be on fascist Alex Jones' "Infowars" during the next few 
weeks! From the horse's mouth: https://www dot youtube dot 
com/watch?v=e93ibNdwoRo&feature=share. So this is the erection of a grand 
coalition-from the liberals to Jones-against the masses of people. Our answer 
can only be to better organize the fight-back, and with more theoretical 
clarity. <>

Article by Joseph Green

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