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On 8/8/18 9:19 AM, Jason wrote:

If you'd like the volume and page number, I can get it for you. Otherwise, this just seems to be yet another way to deflect from having to deal with information that doesn't fit your conclusion.

Actually, I have right in front of me August's article from the September 2010 New Political Science that he sent me with the comment that it was the seed of his book on Marx and Engels's electoral strategies.

It is a polemic against Adam Przeworski's defense of Social Democracy against critics such as Lenin and Trotsky. This excerpt from page 381 should demonstrate where he stands:

Much of the Address [Address of the Central Authority to the Communist League, March 1850] is about the details for maintaining organizational independence during and after a successful anti-feudal democratic revolution including preparation for armed struggle. (To appreciate, by the way, the significance of the document, know that Lenin committed it to memory; with one important exception it comes close to being a blueprint for the Bolshevik revolution.43) Of importance here is the section on electoral strategy—Marx and Engels’s first detailed statement and what Engels had in mind when writing the Circular. To be clear, what they outlined was a strategy for the post-feudal period where a degree of political democracy exists for the working class to contest elections. Most relevant are the instructions for the working class:

that everywhere worker’s candidates are put up alongside the bourgeois-democratic candidates, that they are as far as possible members of the League, and that their election is promoted by all means possible. Even when there is no prospect whatever of their being elected, the workers must put up their own candidates in order to preserve their independence, to count their forces and to lay before the public their revolutionary attitude and party standpoint [my italics]. In this connection they must not allow themselves to be bribed by such arguments of the democrats as, for example, that by so doing they are splitting the democratic party and giving the reactionaries the possibility of victory . . . The advance which the proletariat party is bound to make by such independent action is infinitely more important than the disadvantage that might be incurred by the presence of a few reactionaries in the representative body.44


Get it? Let me repeat what August put in italics:

Even when there is no prospect whatever of their being elected, the workers must put up their own candidates in order to preserve their independence, to count their forces and to lay before the public their revolutionary attitude and party standpoint [my italics].
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