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I have just had the pleasure of reading 'Leninism under Lenin' by Marcel 
Liebman. It was an enjoyable and highly informative read. Liebman does a great 
job of putting Lenin's political thought and practice into its context. The 
Lenin we are presented with is an extremely able tactician, adept at detecting 
sudden changes in the nature of the class struggle and adapting his praxis 
accordingly. It also shows that Lenin was no fetishiser of organisational 
forms. Nothing like those who imitate the Bolsheviks today! In 1903 he 
championed a tight, disciplined, centralised party so as to organise militant 
workers in the face of Tsarist repression. Yet in 1905-6 he was in favour of 
opening up the party to the masses against the will of the conservative 
'committee-men'. Lenin had to fight the very apparatus that he had created. 
This was again the case in 1917, when the Bolshevik bureaucracy represented by 
Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev was trying to hold the masses back and had no 
interest in launching an insurrection. Yet there is a contradiction which 
Liebman never picks up on. We stress the indispensability of the Bolshevik 
Party in making possible the success of the revolution. But the more one reads 
about the revolution one is drawn to the conclusion that it was really the 
indispensability of Lenin. I think this poses a problem when looking at the 
question of revolutionary organisation. No political organisation should be so 
dependent on one individual. It is a weakness of the Bolshevik organisation 
that it relied so much on the force of one man's personality for the seizure of 
power to be possible. Prior to that, the apparatus had, with mixed success, 
been trying to hold back the masses. Without Lenin there would still most 
likely have been an insurrection, but it is unlikely to have had the 
coordination that it did with Lenin's presence and direction. (And even then, 
it was something of a farce, and clumsily executed.) Local party committees and 
branches were already acting on their own, ignoring orders from above. It is 
appalling to think that without Lenin the already tenuous link between the 
party centre and the localities would have snapped completely.

One thing which leaped out to me was Lenin's extraordinarily flexible 
interpretation of 'democratic centralism'. It was nothing like the 
interpretation that so many 'Leninist' organisations (my own ex-comrades in 
Socialist Appeal included) adopt. As a matter of fact, a week before the 
insurrection on October 25th, the party bigwigs were still squabbling about 
whether to launch an insurrection or not. At a meeting of the Petrograd 
Committee of the Bolshevik Party and the Military Organisation on October 17th, 
it was Sverdlov who stood up and put an end to the prattling, saying firmly 
that the Central Committee had decided on a course of action, insurrection, and 
that the purpose of the meeting was to work out how to implement that decision, 
not question it. The fact that Zinoviev and Kamenev, two long-standing Old 
Bolsheviks who should have known better, felt bold enough to go to the press 
with the date of the insurrection, potentially sabotaging the plans being drawn 
up, proves that 'democratic centralism' for the Bolsheviks had nothing of the 
rigidity that is now adopted by almost all 'Leninist' formations. And they 
weren't expelled for their transgressions! Many a dissident in most Trotskyist 
organisations has been thrown out for less.
A big weakness in the book is that it barely covers Lenin's economic policy, 
which is a glaring omission. I checked the index and 'War Communism' is only 
mentioned three times. I think that certain aspects of War Communism were 
clearly ideological in nature and cannot be reduced to objective necessity, and 
any study of Lenin's political thought must take his economic policies into 
account. (Incidentally I checked my copy of Samuel Farber's book 'Before 
Stalinism' to see if he had read this book. Lo and behold, it appears in the 
bibliography, indicating that he read it and drew similar conclusions.) Liebman 
has an unfortunate tendency to gloss over some of Lenin's more questionable 
decisions and accept at face value the charge that the Bolsheviks had no choice 
but to implement certain policies despite the fact that they laid the basis for 
Stalinism. This is particularly the case when he is analysing the foreign 
policy of the USSR under Lenin. I was disappointed that he did not question the 
wisdom of sacrificing the Turkish communists to Ataturk's butchers. That is not 
to say he does not criticise Lenin at times. 

All in all, I think it is a very scholarly work which everyone on the 
revolutionary left should read and learn from.
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