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(I generally don't copy and paste a full article from Richard since this is the way he earns some income but am sure he would not object to republishing this. His Patreon account is definitely worth a subscription: https://www.patreon.com/richardseymourwtf)

The basis of optimism is sheer terror

Those people you see in the gym, giving their macho vox pops about how coronavirus is just one of those things, are the same people panic buying. The people you see filling up pubs are also stuffing their pockets with hand sanitiser. The blonde Californians complaining about 'unconstitutional' lockdown will definitely have their year's supply of toilet paper - make your own joke about how full of shit they are. This is the thing about denial. It is a form of knowing. We know what denial looks like in everyday life. It looks like the frightened rationalisations that we always give for our self-destructive behaviours. They know. They know what's coming, and they're terrified.

Not all of this mix of confusion, denial and bravado can be blamed on the government and its tabloid and broadcaster auxiliaries. There are aspects of popular culture that are just primed to react like this. Notably, little of this behaviour has been seen in Hong Kong. However, the government's toxic and dangerous communications strategy, is also set up to exploit those reactions. Ambiguity, mixed signals, outsourced rumours, gaming the public, are all an established part of the repertoire. Taken from the far-right playbook, they worked very well in the general election. But it isn't just communication. It is often claimed that the government has shifted from 'mitigation' to 'suppression'. In policy terms, it hasn't. It has stopped talking about 'herd immunity' but, whatever the reasons, its actual policies thus far look like a moderated version of 'herd immunity'. That's why, notwithstanding the patriotic fervour of the national press, the UK is still an object of satire and disbelief internationally.

The one thing about which the government has been clear, is that it is all about timing. The right measures at the right time. Don't panic people too early, or they'll 'fatigue' of controls later on. Better to 'optimise' the number of deaths, having more early on, and (they hoped) fewer later. So, why are the government always at least one step behind events? Why are they always being forced to change tack at the last minute? Why did it take from 24th January to 8th March for the government to even have the first Cobra meeting about this? Why did they only 'realise' late in the day that their 'herd immunity' strategy killing hundreds of thousands would not be a good look? Why is the UK still on a steeper mortality curve than Italy, with a younger population? And why has the government said or done nothing to indicate the severity of this?

The chief medical officer isn't helping. Every time he speaks on this, he gazes out at the press corps with his placid, unblinking, hypnotoad eyes, and says that most people will not die. We know that. We know that the majority of the population is not about to die. The Spanish Flu didn't kill most of the population. But at a mortality rate of 1-2 per cent, it still wiped out millions across the world. And most of the population knows and loves someone who is at risk of being hospitalised. And whether they know it or not, the NHS will not be able to cope with the spike that is coming. Unfortunately, this sort of statement is widely circulated among the type of people who ordinarily think experts are liars, to 'prove' that it's all hysteria and nonsense. At least Whitty has the justification that calming people down is often a good thing to do in a crisis (although not, perhaps, when so much of the population isn't taking it seriously). The government has no such excuses.

Why do we still have a far less prepared NHS than Lombardy did when the crisis struck? Why aren't NHS key workers being tested for the virus even when they show symptoms? Why is the government tweeting out calls for manufacturers to convert to making respirators, while an established respirator manufacturer tells Newsnight they have received no increased orders from the government? Why did they drag their feet on closing schools, instead releasing stats claiming that 3 percent of GDP would be lost by such measures? Why did it take parents, teachers and pupils imposing their own shutdowns to force a change of policy? Why are they still dragging their feet on giving workers and renters the necessary support so that they can self-isolate? Why aren't they locking down London, but instead allowing rumour to send carriers of coronavirus scattering all over the country? Why aren't they forcing pubs and restaurants to close? Understand: they are going to have to do all these things they don't want to do anyway. The only question is how much damage and suffering they will inflect through their heedless delays.

As Chris Giles points out in the FT, one reason they're perpetually behind the curve might be the hubris of medical technocrats who have absolute faith in the numbers. They have no idea what the 'right time' is. The data they're getting in on the progression of the disease is always out of date, and change is very rapid. The same will doubtless be true of the economic data they're getting in. Another reason, also given in the FT, is that Boris Johnson and Rishi Sunak are desperate to avoid spooking the City of London by supporting harsher measures. If that's the case, it isn't working. The pound fell to its lowest level since 1985 on Wednesday.

Nonetheless, there's a certain logic here. It wasn't until the economy really started to take a hit that governments in the US, UK, Russia and Brazil began to take this crisis seriously. And if the main concern is avoiding a collapse of the financial sector, you can understand the stasis, the foot-dragging, and the drastic last-minute measures as part of a desperate sequence caused by trying to second-guess and reassure investors. Even on its own mean terms, this concern might be misplaced. As Adam Tooze has suggested, this looks far less like a crisis of the banks than 2008, and far more like a hit to the whole body of global capitalism: extraction, production, supply chains, service industries, everything. And the blow is unavoidable: either it is managed, with the government deliberately shutting down production and organising the transition, or it is chaos and procrastination, with lots of unnecessary death.

Even taking as given the purview of a right-wing government, committed to protecting the status quo at all politically manageable costs, this government's approach is disastrously short-sighted and reactive. As I said, they will get it together. The new reaction thrives on catastrophe - as, to an extent, reaction always has. But they're going to hurt and kill a lot of people on the way.

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