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Begin forwarded message:

> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: July 2, 2020 at 2:31:25 PM EDT
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Environment]:  Nuspl on Martini, 'Proving Grounds: 
> Militarized Landscapes, Weapons Testing, and the Environmental Impact of U.S. 
> Bases'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> Edwin A. Martini, ed.  Proving Grounds: Militarized Landscapes, 
> Weapons Testing, and the Environmental Impact of U.S. Bases.  Donald 
> R. Ellegood International Publications Series. Seattle  University of 
> Washington Press, 2015.  320 pp.  $60.00 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-295-99465-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Tony Nuspl (Rogers State University, Tulsa Peace 
> Fellowship)
> Published on H-Environment (July, 2020)
> Commissioned by Daniella McCahey
> 
> "The Mess That War Left Behind"
> 
> To be fair, "the demilitarization of landscapes" is a large topic, 
> and the nine essays within Edwin A. Martini's edited collection 
> Proving Grounds: Militarized Landscapes, Weapons Testing, and the 
> Environmental Impact of U.S. Bases provide a slice (introduction, by 
> Martini, p. 13). But the book is not a compelling read. Part of the 
> problem is the editor's preference for what he calls "the detached 
> perspective," which makes for some bloodless writing, in the policy 
> vein, as opposed to the "resistance school," writings that do not shy 
> away from value judgments about US militarism and imperialism (pp. 5, 
> 4-6). As a result, the latter is sorely underrepresented and instead, 
> overall, this collection seems to strive for what might be called a 
> veneer of objectivity, an academic tone of detachment that tends to 
> reinforce the status quo. Perhaps this even bleeds into providing 
> apologia for past US military mistakes, or the current refusal to own 
> up to environmental disasters caused, both at home and abroad, by US 
> military forces and/or "militarized landscapes" incidental to US 
> bases. Yet the introduction promises discussion of "charges of 
> ecocide" made against the US military (p. 14). Instead we get a 
> tendentious argument that the US military is capable of acknowledging 
> "nature's integral role" (p. 8). 
> 
> Aren't we better off just sticking to the term "landscapes of 
> contamination" rather than debating "the refuge effect" for the fauna 
> that happen to be guests of military-controlled lands (pp. 9, 249)? 
> Chapter 2, by Neil Oatsvall, opines that the military is capable of a 
> "deep sensitivity to the natural world" because of a nod in the 
> direction of protecting charismatic species --in this case, the sea 
> otter; also see chapter 8 on the red-cockaded woodpecker, the brown 
> pelican, the Hawaiian stilt, the manatee, the leatherback turtle, 
> etc. (introduction, p. 8). Chapter 3, by Leisl Carr Childers, 
> attempts to reconstruct people's reactions to nuclear testing and 
> their consciousness (or lack thereof) that bombs going off upwind 
> means that they--and their livestock--are in turn downwinders "under 
> the shadow of the fallout cloud" (p. 84; "downwind" pp. 81, 90). The 
> essay discusses the popular epidemiology used by non-experts outside 
> the military proper to understand the degree of risk from nuclear 
> bomb tests to which they or their livestock might be exposed. Using 
> inductive reasoning, the average citizen was capable of concluding 
> that "contact with radioactive fallout seemed the most likely 
> explanation" for some of the health problems being experienced (p. 
> 103). But in keeping with the detached perspective, it is impossible 
> to say what the author's views are about low-level radiation (LLR) 
> exposure from the testing regime that occurred in the continental US. 
> 
> Meanwhile, chapters 4 and 5 are concerned with how the biological and 
> chemical weapons used by the US military for aerial defoliation can 
> be the subject of "spin." Chapter 4, by Martini, argues that the 
> more-or-less responsible destruction of Agent Orange stocks in the 
> 1970s constitutes sufficient evidence for a wonted "military 
> environmentalism"--even if this involved using the Johnston Atoll in 
> the Pacific as a dumping ground (p. 113). But as the author explains, 
> if it was a responsible way to destroy the environmental hazard, also 
> known as "the mess that war left behind," the US military only did so 
> because it "was compelled to deal" with an increasingly complex set 
> of environmental laws and regulations (pp. 121, 113). The academic 
> approach dominates chapter 5, by Daniel Weimer, with its discussion 
> of "post-environmental movement discourse" in the "defoliation 
> programs" of US foreign policy (p. 148). The institutional bias in 
> the discussion is clear, with the emphasis on "how U.S. officials in 
> the mid-1970s negotiated a seemingly inhospitable atmosphere" 
> regarding herbicide programs, with their desire to continue using 
> Vietnam-style defoliants, based on Monsanto corporation's product 
> glyphosate (p. 144). In sum, Weimer argues that American officials 
> aimed "to thwart critics who argued that drug crop defoliation posed 
> a danger to the environment and public health" for the sake of 
> pursuing the drug war (p. 147). Again, this chapter undermines the 
> idea that there is such a thing as "military environmentalism." 
> 
> Chapters 6, 7, and 8 address the role of civil society in opposing 
> militarized landscapes. Chapter 6, by Jennifer Liss Ohayon, involves 
> a promising discussion of "citizen advisory boards" as part of the 
> civilian oversight of US military Superfund sites, in other words, 
> the hundreds of environmental disaster zones designated as priorities 
> by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). This touches on issues 
> of environmental injustice done to minority communities forced to 
> bear the brunt of the pollution and contamination in their 
> communities due to US military operations, US bases, or US munitions 
> production. It should come as no surprise that "military-related 
> activities are responsible for the majority of the contaminated 
> federal lands in the United States" (p. 177). Given that the 
> Superfund Act was "passed in part as a response to public advocacy," 
> public participation is still needed to ensure Department of Defense 
> (DOD) accountability in the requisite environmental cleanup or 
> remediation efforts (p. 172). Unfortunately, the citizen advisory 
> boards--up until they were disbanded--did not really afford the 
> public a chance to shape decisions or influence priorities for 
> specific sites, according to the case studies addressed here. Chapter 
> 7, by Heejin Han and Yooil Bae, discusses civil society as the source 
> of pressure to change the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) in South 
> Korea. Essentially, the problem is that the SOFA is a paper tiger 
> when it comes to environmental protection, providing cover for the 
> negligence of US Forces in Korea (USFK). All the costs to mitigate 
> the damage caused at Camp Kim have been borne by the Koreans, because 
> the USFK has externalized the cost of its operations, foisting the 
> cost of cleanup on the Koreans so as not to be borne by the USFK. The 
> intransigence of the USFK on this point, and the reluctance of the 
> South Korean government to rock the boat, as host nation, means that 
> it remains largely in the hands of investigative journalists to raise 
> public awareness about "the environmental externalities produced by 
> U.S. military bases" (p. 230). 
> 
> Chapter 8, by Katherine M. Keirns, addresses the use of landmark 
> legislation by the citizenry as a kind of domestic "insurgency" 
> against at least three types of militarized landscapes: DOD land 
> grabs, Cold War nuclear standoff weapons in farm fields, and 
> biological weapons labs in the Midwest. The experience at Fort Bragg, 
> North Carolina, where the civilian US Fish and Wildlife Service, a 
> relatively underfunded agency went up against the US Army, and won 
> its case for species conservation under the Endangered Species Act 
> (ESA), is retold here. There are today still complaints from the 
> armed services about the power of the ESA; but the DOD has secured 
> itself buffer zones around its bases under the auspices of the ESA, 
> having learned from these legal suits against it to situate itself as 
> defender of the land rather than as a threat to it. There are good 
> reasons to remain dubious about the sincerity of such 
> environmentalism, given the instrumental goals that could be hiding 
> behind it (more land grabs, down the line) and the ingrained 
> grumbling about the ESA within the military. 
> 
> What kind of "wilderness" is it, when, due to human hazards left 
> behind, you have to sign a waiver before entering? The last chapter 
> in this volume, chapter 9, by David G. Havlick, recommends a visit to 
> the refuge in southern Indiana, carved out of the Jefferson Proving 
> Ground (JPG), even though there is a radiological hazard lurking from 
> so-called depleted uranium rounds, not to mention the 
> non-radiological hazard from another three to five million unexploded 
> conventional shells. As a "militarized landscape," the nature of the 
> site as "severely degraded" is readily admitted (p. 266). But we get 
> more of the detached perspective, with this "hybrid landscape" 
> described as an "integrated cultural and ecological production" (pp. 
> 268, 266.). Rather than admit that certain things useful to the 
> military have no utility in the state of nature--such as genotoxic 
> radioactive fragments and unexploded ordnance (UXO)--the argument 
> turns the concept of ecological restoration on its head, in order to 
> "interpret the relationship between militarism and the environment 
> more broadly" (p. 267). This is the thin edge of the wedge, leading 
> to the argument that man (to wit, militarized man) is the measure of 
> all things. The cynic might sniff at the greenwashing involved in 
> relabeling major military installations as "national wildlife 
> refuges"--nearly two dozen of them now created in the US in this 
> fashion, by repurposing military lands. (The prospect that this is 
> mere rhetorical cover is explicitly mentioned in this volume as a 
> possibility, in chapters 8 and 9). Yes, the DOD would like you to 
> believe in the "military's environmental stewardship" (p. 270, citing 
> an official publication), and have you sign the hold-harmless 
> agreement as you enter their sites, but what we are really looking at 
> are "mutant ecologies" (Joseph Masco's term, from a paper cited in 
> chapter 9, p. 285n18), a term of art that is particularly apt where 
> radiological contamination is involved, such as from depleted uranium 
> (DU) ordnance tests, or plutonium contamination. It is also hard to 
> see how uncleared minefields (such as the DMZ in Korea, or the "death 
> strip" of the Iron Curtain Trail) can be called "de facto wildlife 
> refuges" (p. 271): that certainly is not what the layman means by 
> "wilderness." In sum, the discussion of nature gets unmoored, 
> increasingly subject to poststructuralist or postmodern academic 
> speculation, in the "discourse of ecological militarization" with its 
> disjunctures and simulacra; _an ersatz nature of brownfields_ seems 
> to be all that the DOD lands can provide as de facto protected areas, 
> the military's land base often being "in dire need of cleanup and 
> remediation" before it can be given back in some shape or form to the 
> civilian world (pp. 283, 276). 
> 
> In defense of US military practices, there is mention of what might 
> be called environmental recovery occurring at (some) militarized 
> landscapes, by means undertaken intentionally to reverse the demise 
> of nature where possible, by providing "ecological restoration" to 
> damaged lands or contaminated waters. The idea behind the recovery of 
> an ecosystem is usually that nature can only recuperate when humanity 
> retreats, or somehow gives the ecology a break from the stresses 
> imposed by human civility--or incivility, as the case may be. The 
> instituting of dozens of transitional military-to-wildlife refuges 
> ("M2W") is not necessarily progress; it might just be _false_ 
> progress, resulting in merely managed landscapes. This collection 
> seems to want to blur the distinction between "militarized 
> landscapes" (in the title of the book) and land recuperating from 
> previous military uses (the bomb crater as habitat). The essays are 
> at cross-purposes in this regard: whereas chapter 1, by Brandon C. 
> Davis, argues that wilderness conservation on military-claimed lands 
> was largely "an unintended or ironic consequence of locking up land," 
> essentially accidental and incidental, chapter 8, by Katherine M. 
> Keirns, argues that this kind of benefit to nature is now wired into 
> the military's land management policies, because of lessons learned 
> (p. 35). With this category of "military-into-wildlife refuge" (and 
> attendant "buffer zones"), there is a tendency to anthropomorphize 
> nature, resorting to cultural excuses for incompletely restored land, 
> unintentional "gardens." The overall claim seems to be that this kind 
> of hybrid landscape is the new reality we have to accept, or the best 
> of a possible future. And yet, if there is a unifying theme for this 
> volume, it is that the US military and its "empire of bases that 
> continue to litter the planet" should not be permitted to treat any 
> part of the land or sea as a Permanent Sacrifice Zone (PSZ), whether 
> at home or abroad, whether in the plains or in the forests, whether 
> along the coast or in a deep sea trench (p. 15). 
> 
> Citation: Tony Nuspl. Review of Martini, Edwin A., ed., _Proving 
> Grounds: Militarized Landscapes, Weapons Testing, and the 
> Environmental Impact of U.S. Bases_. H-Environment, H-Net Reviews. 
> July, 2020.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=54815
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 
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