>> The emancipatory, "progressive," element in capitalism is not the  "dual 
role" of the bourgeoisie as Marx imagined, and only imagined, it to be  in 
1848,[ as a careful examination of the struggle against the ancien regime  
and its remnants shows that the bourgeoisie itself hardly played a  
revolutionary role, but in fact the actions of the rural and urban poor, 
the  
petty bourgeoisie were the revolutionary drivers and the revolution itself  
only became bourgeois in its defeat], is not and does not exist in 
"things."  
It does not exist in the accumulation of the means of production as means 
of  
production because in fact no such accumulation exists. The accumulation of 
 
the means of production exists only as part of the process of the  
accumulation of values. The "progress" such as it is exists, and exists  
only, in the expropriation of the expropriators, in the social act of  
revolution.<< 
 
Comment
 
"We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a  
long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of  
production and of exchange. 

Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a  
corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed class under the 
sway  
of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association in the 
medieval  commune(4): here independent urban republic (as in Italy and 
Germany); 
there  taxable “third estate” of the monarchy (as in France); afterwards, 
in the period  of manufacturing proper, serving either the semi-feudal or 
the absolute monarchy  as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, 
cornerstone of the great  monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, 
since the establishment of  Modern Industry and of the world market, 
conquered for itself, in the modern  representative State, exclusive political 
sway. The executive of the modern  state is but a committee for managing the 
common affairs of the whole  bourgeoisie. 
 
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part."  
(Communist Manifesto) 
 
Private property is set into motion, and attains a self reproducing life  
cycle with the dissolution of private communism. I am convinced - unshakably, 
 that private property does not arise from the existence of a surplus, or 
we can  forget about the cause of communism.  Rather, private property 
establishes  itself on the basis of a surplus. Private property in its genesis 
is 
excited to  life by a biological driven greed, or biological distortion or 
metabolic breach  - rift, in the human. 
 
I have already agreed that it is incorrect to speak of the bourgeoisie as  
progressive. “Progressive” conveys the wrong concept that is the property 
form  and its evolution. 
 
The bourgeoisie is revolutionary in the context of the evolution of the  
property form as the meaning of class. It is revolutionary in regard to the 
role  in plays in the destruction of a previously existing property relations. 
The  bourgeoisie is not progressive or revolutionary in relationship to 
proletariat  or wage labor or what is the same, the wage form or the property 
form of  labor.  . 
 
The problem is that the workers consciousness, as wage labor, evolves  
behind the consciousness of the bourgeoisie, as both face the property 
restrains 
 of feudalism. These restrains are social, political, economic and 
military. In  this meaning what really broke up feudalism - as an economic 
order, 
was the  transition in the form of wealth from landed property to gold. What 
breaks up  feudalism from the standpoint of the development of the productive 
forces is  revolution in the machinery of society. What overthrows 
feudalism in its  political aspects is the emergence of bourgeoisie and 
proletariat 
as the unity  and strife of new classes underlying new form of property or 
new production  relations. 
 
II. "progress" such as it is exists, and exists only, in the expropriation  
of the expropriators, in the social act of revolution.” 
 
Agreed, with qualifications. Marx paints a gigantic cycle - evolution, as  
negation of negation in Capital  1. The “expropriators are expropriated,”  
as the social act of a historically specific social revolution at a 
historically  specific state of development of the productive forces - with the 
property  relations within. What is established is public property or 
anti-property or  classless society.  
 
I understand Marx meaning to imply the bourgeoisie is revolutionary in  
regard to the past; the proletariat in regard to the future. The social problem 
 is that the proletariat in its early phases of development as a 
class/property  configuration lacks consciousness of itself as part of the 
historical  
progression. The proletariat fights the enemy of its enemy.
 
III. Marx describes the general formation of the consciousness of the wage  
workers. 
 
"The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its birth 
 begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest is carried 
on by  individual labourers, then by the workpeople of a factory, then by 
the operative  of one trade, in one locality, against the individual bourgeois 
who directly  exploits them. They direct their attacks not against the 
bourgeois conditions of  production, but against the instruments of production 
themselves; they destroy  imported wares that compete with their labour, they 
smash to pieces machinery,  they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore 
by force the vanished status of  the workman of the Middle Ages. 
 
At this stage, the labourers still form an incoherent mass scattered over  
the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere 
they  unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence of 
their own  active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in 
order to  attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole 
proletariat in  motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so. At this 
stage,  therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the 
enemies of their  enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, 
the 
non-industrial  bourgeois, the petty bourgeois. Thus, the whole historical 
movement is  concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so 
obtained is a  victory for the bourgeoisie." (Communist Manifesto) 
 
Apparently, in your own way, you have stated no more than the last sentence 
 above. 

Every  . . . (Every!!!) victory obtained, in the fight for the  future, is 
a victory for the bourgeoisie when the whole historical movement is  
concentrated in its hands. 
 
It is of course "cool" to at least try and answer concrete questions  
concrettly. 
 
 
WL. 
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