Clare Midgley. Feminism and Empire: Women Activists in Imperial Britain, 
1790-1865. London: Routledge, 2007. X, 206 S. $120.00 (cloth), ISBN 
978-0-415-25014-6; $32.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-415-25015-3; (cloth), ISBN 
978-0-203-08949-1.

Reviewed by Michelle Tusan
Published on H-Soz-u-Kult (May, 2009)

Claire Midgley has written a useful and well-argued study that traces 
the imperial origins of British feminism. Although imperial history has 
been the fashion in British feminist studies for over fifteen years, 
Feminism and Empire is the first book to connect these two fields in a 
study of the early nineteenth century. Midgley who is perhaps best known 
for her work on women and the anti-slavery movement is well-positioned 
to explore feminist connections between colony and metropole and makes a 
convincing case for the significance of imperialism in shaping the 
practice and ideology of the early feminist movement.

full: http://www.h-net.msu.edu/reviews/showrev.php?id=24978

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(Amazing piece to appear in the Times.)

NY Times Magazine, August 23, 2009
The Medium
The Feminist Hawks
By VIRGINIA HEFFERNAN

How do big ideas spread on the Internet, and how are they changed in the 
process?

Consider the feminist-hawk position — the one that advocates the use of 
force to liberate Muslim women from persecution and burkas. This 
position has become an integral part of the ideological Web. 
Feminist-hawk arguments may even be considered an artifact of the Web, 
just the way the revolutionary arguments of 18th-century America can be 
seen as an artifact of pamphlets.

In the late 1990s, an e-mail petition of unclear origin began to 
circulate. It was called “The Taliban Is Waging a War on Women!” Styled 
like a chain letter, it came in several variations, each featuring 
reports of misogynistic crimes in Afghanistan. (“One woman was beaten to 
DEATH by an angry mob of fundamentalists for accidentally exposing her 
arm.”) If you signed, you agreed that the United Nations ought to, by 
“support and action,” show its intolerance for “the situation overseas.”

The petition blamed the Afghan regime and not Muslim culture for the 
abuses of women, and some iterations sought to pre-empt relativists who 
would “excuse everything on cultural grounds.” The petition typically 
carried a list of signatories, some with M.D.’s and Ph.D.’s, from cities 
like Grenoble, Cleveland and New Delhi.

Unlike Revolutionary-era pamphlets, the petition did not ground its case 
in political theory. Instead, it relied on the promise of global 
participation implicit in online communication. It made clear that a 
far-flung community with eyes and ears everywhere — and connections in 
high places — already existed. You could add your name to its moral 
ranks with a few keystrokes.

Today that e-mail message rarely lands in in-boxes, and when it’s cited, 
it’s mostly to show the oppressiveness of spam. (“The Taliban has since 
been removed from power,” says BreaktheChain, an anti-junk-mail site. 
“Too bad this chain letter can’t similarly be ‘removed.’ ”) This is a 
mistake. Though the petition didn’t stop the Taliban, it sounded a 
meaningful alarm. It also codified a polemical line that has, 
unexpectedly, become a war horse of hawkish bloggers.

David Horowitz, the conservative firebrand, is among those who have 
seized on the feminist-hawk position. Horowitz may not be an obvious 
feminist, but as someone who has dedicated his life to political media 
(producing or contributing to magazines, books, political ads, cable 
news, talk radio, blogs, video podcasts, even a pamphlet), he’s adroit 
at adapting ideologies for media platforms. Right now, this one is 
working for him.

Like many conservatives, Horowitz appears to have come to 
feminist-hawkism after 9/11. But in his hands, the ideology has fast 
became a tenacious memebrid — as Tim Hwang, a sociologist and the 
director of the Web Ecology Project, calls memes that unite two or more 
cultural phenomena.

“The neat marriage of hawkish tendencies and feminist framing of issues 
does this quite effectively,” Hwang explained to me in an e-mail 
message. Borrowing left-wing shibboleths is one way that “conservative 
ideas can make it big in a generally more liberal online social sphere,” 
he wrote. Furthermore, to depict Islamic regimes less as terrorists than 
as repressors of civil liberties may appeal even to traditional 
isolationists, as it “plays off of the strong communities of 
libertarians that dominate some prominent spaces.”

Hawkish sites that have taken up feminism include Little Green 
Footballs, Jihad Watch and Horowitz’s FrontPage Magazine. On a recent 
day, the home page of the last featured reports of female prisoners 
being raped in Iran; prepubescent girls getting married in Gaza; and a 
possible honor killing by an immigrant in New York. This material is 
expected to help seal Horowitz’s general case for the war on terror, 
though he has not yet changed the name of his cause to, say, the war on 
misogyny.

Would the architects of the original anti-Taliban e-mail petition 
recognize Horowitz’s crusade as their own? Probably not. Where the 
original message aimed to engage the United Nations, Horowitz considers 
the United Nations to be “one-world kleptocrats.” And where at least one 
version of the chain message reproves Americans for cultural relativism, 
Horowitz considers his position staunchly American.

As a fan of intensely specific forms of communication — blogs, memoirs, 
reality TV — I don’t believe that any idea exists apart from its mode of 
dissemination. But I also know that ideas that seem especially big and 
irresistible are usually so elegantly integrated with particular 
communication technologies that it’s hard to conceive of them 
separately. Could Rush Limbaugh’s patriotic anti-elitism have coalesced 
anywhere but on AM radio? Could “family values” have emerged without 
Christian TV?

And could the feminist-hawk position have emerged without the weird 
confluences of the Web? Like any wily and surviving creature, this new 
ideology has faced evolutionary pressures and adapted to its ecological 
niche.

Points of Entry: This Week’s Recommendations

WEB SLEUTHS “Researching the Internet so you don’t have to,” the Web 
Ecology Project parses panda-sneeze vids for cultural significance. And 
don’t miss the other projects of Tim Hwang, including the Internet 
culture-celebrity conference: ROFLCon.org.

WHAT HAVE YOU GOT? David Horowitz has spent his life making ideological 
media. Lots of it. His memoir of how he got to be this way, “Radical 
Son,” is a riveting read. The site for the David Horowitz Freedom Center 
shows the range of his projects and the nonrange of his rhetoric (it’s 
all fever pitch).

WOMEN OF THE WORLD For feminist hawks, feminist doves and even nonavian 
feminists, EqualityNow.org is a one-stop site for the group determined 
to “end violence and discrimination against women and girls around the 
world.”

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