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Not to accuse you of this, Dan, although you are in the eye of the storm,
but I think we should warn against being too suspicious of others due to
these chilling attacks. We will have informants and spies in our movements
and organizations, I don't think there is much we can do about it other than
make sure that we bring as many people into them as possible rather than buy
into arguments that would lead toward isolation and impotence. It is much
easier to make us afraid of each other - to destroy ourselves - than to have
to smash us physically. The solidarity shown so far, at least amongst the
left, has been hopeful and impressive. Hopefully this bodes well for a
future, larger left that has learned from the past.

A great article and a few excerpts:
http://www.isreview.org/issues/49/cointelpro.shtml

"COINTELPRO operations began against the SWP in 1961, when court records
show they had around 600 members-10 percent were FBI informants who were
paid in excess of $1.6 million over the years for their
efforts.22Infiltration began in response to the SWP's electoral
campaigns and
desegregation activities-perfectly legal undertakings. Over the years,
member informants supplied the government with membership lists, financial
records, budgets, minutes of meetings, mailing lists, and correspondence.
>From 1961-1976, fifty-five informants held offices or committee positions
and fifty-one served on executive committees of the party."

"For while state surveillance and repression are inevitable, they are
clearly not insurmountable. FBI harassment, surveillance and disruption of
civil rights groups failed to prevent this movement from achieving historic
successes in the 1960s, for example. The Vietnam antiwar movement also
played an important role, notwithstanding repression directed against it, in
forcing the U.S. to pull out of Vietnam. Police repression and surveillance
neither destroyed the Bolshevik Party in Russia nor prevented the Russian
Revolution from defeating Tsarism or creating a workers' state in October
1917. On the eve of taking power, the Bolshevik Party's leading delegate to
the Russian parliament, Malinovsky, was a police operative; the secretary of
the main Bolshevik newspaper, Pravda, between 1913 and 1914 was also a
police agent. In Moscow alone in 1912, there were fifty-five police agents
operating in left-wing organizations-twenty inside the social-democratic
organizations. The agent provocateurs were able to do damage, particularly
in helping the secret police identify and arrest activists. But in order to
maintain their position above suspicion, they were also forced to engage in
a great deal of useful work that helped the cause. Moreover, because the
revolutionaries organized on the basis of a shared conviction, learned from
their mistakes, and continually sought to widen the struggle, they were able
to operate more or less effectively even in conditions of extreme illegality
that the Russian police state inflicted on them. As Victor Serge,
responsible in revolutionary Russia for unearthing and interpreting the
millions of detailed files of the defunct secret police, wrote in 1925,
“There is no force in the world which can hold back the revolutionary tide
when it rises, and that all police forces, however Machiavellian, scientific
or criminal, are virtually impotent against it.”"
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