https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/f/white-fragility-racial-equality-or-racial-exorcism

Dismantling DiAngelo's 'White Fragility' — racial equality or racial exorcism?
ZOLTAN ZIGEDY destroys the arguments of the race-oil salesmen peddling 
expensive white-centric etiquette and manners training instead of asking us to 
confront real, material racial inequality: pay, housing, gentrification and 
injustice

Sunday 26th Jul 2020


There is little or no mention of the material condition of black people, little 
or no mention of the substance of African-American oppression in Robin 
DiAngelo's approach
MY local PBS radio station reserves an early hour on Sunday for On Being, a 
saccharine-sweet mixture of pop-philosophy, psychobabble and pseudo-religiosity 
hosted by Krista Tippett.

Tippett drips with overly earnest sincerity as she probes guests with questions 
posed as profound and with deep existential import. While serious thinkers 
occasionally rotate through her show, more than a few of her guests are con 
artists, conjurers or charlatans.

Inevitably, in this time of long-overdue mass resistance to racial violence, 
Tippett would discover and promote the “work” of Robin DiAngelo, the author of 
White Fragility, a New York Times best seller and a book enjoying widespread 
influence and popularity as an anti-racist guide to book clubbers, NGOs, 
foundations and corporations.

A curious feature of the On Being interview of DiAngelo and Resmaa Menakem, a 
Minnesota-based therapist and coach and author of My Grandmother’s Hands: 
Racialised Trauma and the Pathway to Mending Our Hearts and Bodies, is the 
absence of any reference to the core, structural elements of US racism.

There is much discussion of racially sensitive etiquette and manners, of 
conflicted identities, of “interpretations, perceptions, emotions, language,” 
of discomforting conversations and of racial repair — “And the framework that 
is causing white fragility is a refusal to repair, a refusal to see or feel…”

But there is little or no mention of the material condition of black people, 
little or no mention of the substance of African-American oppression and little 
or no discussion of the prerequisites for achieving genuine racial equality.

DiAngelo shows no interest in exposing the material elements of the racial 
divide. Instead, she trades in perceptions and feelings between the races. 
There is, for example, no exposure of the ethnic cleansing (gentrification) 
that today plagues every US city and dislocates hundreds of thousands of 
African Americans from segregated cities to equally segregated neighbourhoods 
in de-industrialised suburbs.

Like the indigenous American peoples, African Americans are relocated from 
poverty-laced, low-income, segregated “reservations” to another poverty-laced, 
segregated “reservation” in abandoned, formerly white enclaves. The old, former 
“reservations” are now available at low purchase prices and minimal property 
taxes to a privileged urban gentry.

DiAngelo shows no interest in this development. Nor does she explore the “white 
privilege,” the profiteering, or the elite complicity that drives it.

Neither does DiAngelo take note of the persistent wealth and income gap between 
whites and blacks in the US. Consistently, since 1968, whites accumulate on 
average 10 times the wealth of their African American counterparts.

This means, of course, that every generation of blacks cannot give the next 
generation an economic head start, which serves as a multiplier of African 
American disadvantage. Yet this in-your-face racism apparently escapes DiAngelo.

The wealth gap condemns and forces more and more blacks into often substandard 
residence in low-income areas that become literal Bantustans, results of the 
formal (Jim Crow) and informal apartheid policies imposed by the US ruling 
class since the Civil War. Like South Africa’s former apartheid regime, it is 
these segregated areas that are maintained decisively by the brutality of 
police.

These areas, euphemistically referred to by white elites as “the black 
community” instead of the old pejorative “ghetto,” exist as food deserts, 
lacking the selection and quality of their white counterparts, but, often, at 
higher prices. Schools serving blacks are notoriously inferior.

The 1974 Milliken vs Bradley Supreme Court decision institutionalised urban 
school segregation, legitimising and encouraging white flight to the suburbs 
and exurbs. There is no mention of this structural racism of education, 
healthcare, human services or its effects on infant mortality, health outcomes 
and life expectancy, in the On Being interview.

Nor does DiAngelo decry the criminalisation and mass incarceration that has 
become a feature of African-American oppression or any of the other features 
eviscerating the material quality of black life.

Hers is the anti-racism that ignores actual racism.

Commodifying Anti-Racism

Everything can become a commodity in the capitalist mode of production. From 
ideas to the water that we drink, capitalism strives to incorporate them into 
the vast commercial marketplace.

Commodification creeps into every aspect of human experience, as an answer to 
every whim. So it should not be surprising that even ideas like anti-racism 
should be appropriated, commodified and sold in the marketplace.

In the sixties, anti-racist organisations like the Black Panther Party were 
laudably able to utilise the white liberal guilt of celebrities and elites to 
raise funds for socially useful projects like day care, breakfast programmes, 
tutoring and so on.

But since that time, others have exploited liberal guilt and the perceived need 
of institutions to appear racially sensitive to establish a veritable diversity 
industry. Diversity training, the broad field DiAngelo’s product falls into, 
has a long history, but one of questionable results.

While it may prove lucrative to consultants, lecturers, academics and business 
types, it has done little, in fact, to desegregate institutions — corporations, 
foundations or NGOs. In fact, some studies suggest that some institutions have 
become less diverse after exposure to diversity training.

DiAngelo’s fast-growing speaking and consulting business places her squarely in 
this tradition. It is strange — to say the least — that this enterprise has 
encouraged the media to place an academic white woman with no engagement with 
the long-standing mass anti-racist movement into the role of a leader of 
anti-racism.

Promoted by the national media, she is an “explainer” of racism in the same way 
that JD Vance and his book, Hillbilly Elegy, were an “explainer” of the 
midwestern white working class. In both cases, someone who has “escaped,” who 
is enlightened, will show the way to understanding for east and west coast 
urban and suburban elites. Both have profitably opened a book of enlightenment 
for those uninitiated.

For DiAngelo, the product that she is peddling is “allyship,” a condition won 
through a rigorous ritual of self-examination and atonement. Supposedly, when 
white people pass through this ritual, they can then accompany African 
Americans in the anti-racist struggle.

But not everyone can be your guide: “And it takes years of experience and study 
and struggle and mistake-making and trust-building to hold a group around race 
and really hold that group and push them and help them go where they need to 
go, in ways that are constructive. It takes a lot of experience.” Better call 
Robin DiAngelo.

It is profoundly revealing that DiAngelo’s anti-racism is not about black 
people and their condition, but about white people and their condition, their 
conversations, their attitudes, their feelings, their willingness to confess:

“And even the confession can be problematic. It can range from just a form of 
masochism to a form of, ‘Well, I feel bad enough that you can see that I’m 
actually good.’ And so that also becomes performative...”

DiAngelo’s anti-racism is rigidly individualistic, a kind of mentored self-help 
in becoming a better ally accepted by black people — not a fighter along with 
black people against the forces of oppression, not a warrior against the wealth 
and power of those intent upon keeping the black working-class poor and 
powerless. This is anti-racism without equality at its core.

In its essence, it fails because it rejects the idea of class. It fails to 
distinguish between the social discomforts of the upper-middle classes — both 
white and black — and the plight of the African-American working class.

Only a few years have passed since the Obama presidency brought a smug 
assurance that we were now in a post-racial era because a black elite had 
grabbed the brass ring.

The smartphone camera-exposed orgy of police violence largely against poor and 
working-class African Americans challenges that notion. But the DiAngelos and 
their media promoters give us new hope: we can return to post-racialism if we 
just get our heads straight!

Meanwhile, the edifice of racism remains intact. Black workers work for lower 
wages, pay more for the same services, get fewer of the available services, 
remain segregated and die sooner. The developers, landlords, petty capitalists 
and CEOs continue to super-exploit African American workers.

The ultimate answer to racism does not lie in exorcism, symbolic gestures, 
sensibilities or feelings. If racial injustice is not merely about feelings, 
then certainly anti-racism is not only about attitudes, either.

The genuine anti-racist warriors — black and white — are crafting answers that 
enrich and empower Black people. They are attacking the wealthy and powerful 
who benefit from racial oppression. They are holding the oppressive 
institutions, their leaders and their beneficiaries accountable for the 
material consequences of racist practices. They centre anti-racism around 
winning equality. DiAngelo’s exorcisms touch none of this.

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