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> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: August 10, 2020 at 7:20:51 AM EDT
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Judaic]:  Aron-Beller on Herzig, 'A Convert's Tale: 
> Art, Crime, and Jewish Apostasy in Renaissance Italy'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> Tamar Herzig.  A Convert's Tale: Art, Crime, and Jewish Apostasy in 
> Renaissance Italy.  I Tatti Studies in Italian Renaissance History 
> Series. Cambridge  Harvard University Press, 2019.  viii + 388 pp.
> $49.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-674-23753-7.
> 
> Reviewed by Katherine E. Aron-Beller (Hebrew University of Jerusalem)
> Published on H-Judaic (August, 2020)
> Commissioned by Barbara Krawcowicz
> 
> Tamar Herzig's meticulously researched and superbly written book 
> offers an intriguing view into the dramatic life story of Salomone da 
> Sesso, better known as Ercole de' Fedeli (ca. 1452/57-after 1521). A 
> renowned Renaissance goldsmith in northern Italy, Salomone lived for 
> approximately thirty years as a Jew. In 1491, he converted to 
> Christianity, as did his wife and four children, after he was accused 
> of sodomy; this was half a century before the first foundation in 
> Italy of institutions that specialized in the instruction of converts 
> from Judaism and Islam. Were it only a biography of the colorful life 
> of one of the most important virtuoso artists of the time, it already 
> would have been a valuable contribution to Italian social history, 
> art history, Jewish history, and Jewish/Christian relations. To her 
> credit, Herzig, a specialist in the religious, social, and gender 
> history of early modern Italy, provides a more ambitious and richly 
> textured panorama of the wider effects of Salomone's life as a Jew, 
> as a Christian, and as a goldsmith, in relation to his family 
> members, his patrons, associates--both Jews and Christians--and the 
> Renaissance culture and society in which he lived. 
> 
> Using a "paper trail," as she calls it, of documents--chronicles, 
> detailed letters, missives that prominent Renaissance women and men 
> dictated to their scribes, inventories, payment registers, 
> testaments, guild regulations, acts of endowments, and notarial 
> records from archives in Mantua, Bologna, Ferrara, Rome, Florence, 
> and Modena--Herzig offers a patient and thorough explanation of every 
> stage of Salomone's life (p. 7). She consistently reflects on events 
> from different angles, coming near to a total history of his life. 
> What is missing and tantalizing for both her and her readers are 
> Salomone's thoughts on his conversion, faith, and beliefs. Since 
> virtually no personal writings have survived, much of his inner life 
> remains obscure. His prosaic speech at his own baptism was probably 
> not his own work and a letter of 1504 to Isabella d'Este did no more 
> than excuse his delay in delivering her bracelets.
> 
> Herzig provides a detailed insight into and analysis of the 
> "scintillating material culture" that Salomone created and for whom 
> (p. 9). Though the relationship with his patrons--Eleonora of Aragon; 
> her husband, Duke Ercole d'Este; and their children, Duke Alfonso I 
> d'Este and Marchioness Isabella d'Este, and their respective spouses, 
> Lucrezia Borgia and Duke Francesco Gonzaga --was an unbalanced one of 
> dominance and subordination, it was also one of interdependence, 
> especially for the female fashionistas who anxiously awaited the 
> arrival of their glittering ornaments. These included Lucrezia 
> Borgia's various pieces of jewelry; Isabella d'Este's _maniglie 
> _(bracelets), which were to decorate her bare arms in the summer, and 
> a gold lid Salomone made for her perfume pomander; a "Queen of 
> Swords" for the military leader Cesare Borgia, the son of Pope 
> Alexander VI; and an enameled gold chain and a large gold button 
> commissioned for Lucrezia's brother, Giovanni Borgia, as a gift for 
> the king of France, Francis I, in the hope of attaining a position at 
> court. When these creations were not completed on time, or when 
> Salomone cheated his patrons of money, imprisonment hung over his 
> head irrespective of whether he was a Jew or a Christian. 
> 
> The question at the center of Herzig's study is why did Salomone 
> convert? People are always products of complex societies, prejudices, 
> and challenges, and Salomone is obviously no exception. Herzig 
> follows the theories of Paola Tartakoff that Jews by and large 
> converted to extricate themselves from trouble or because they were 
> pursuing social and economic advantages (often illusory).[1] Herzig 
> believes that Salomone only converted because he had fallen out with 
> the Mantuan Jewish community, been accused of sodomy, and probably 
> been sentenced to death. It should be noted that only convicted Jews 
> were in the unique position of possibly reducing their sentence for 
> grave crimes such as sodomy by converting. 
> 
> But had Salomone convinced himself that converting would also bring 
> financial success? As Herzig confirms, there was a surge in the rise 
> of Jewish baptisms in northern Italy at this time. Northern Italian 
> lay rulers, even more than churchmen, took the lead in endorsing 
> Jewish baptism, offering Jews work, and protecting them from their 
> enemies. Nevertheless, this was not universal, as Salomone found out 
> when his supportive patrons died. Without this cushion, neophytes 
> were left on their own to deal with the lingering shadows of their 
> Jewish past. Salomone's lack of success, after 1505, when Duke Ercole 
> d'Este died confirms the precariousness of life for converts after 
> baptism. 
> 
> Herzig examines the consequences of Salomone's conversion on his 
> immediate family. She enters the minds of each and every one of them, 
> offering an understanding of their behavior and reactions to 
> Salomone's dramatic act and its substantial effect on their lives. 
> His wife, Eleonora--who is only named in the sources once she was 
> baptized--converted in order not to lose the custody of her young 
> children. Salomone's oldest daughter, Caterina, undertook a life of 
> celibacy in a Dominican tertiaries' house, thanks to Duke Ercole 
> d'Este's patronage. Salomone's daughter, Anna, was selected to become 
> a _donzella_,_ _one of the female attendants of Lucrezia Borgia. Here 
> she was provided with an education, clothing, accommodation, a dowry, 
> and a "suitable" husband. 
> 
> Not surprisingly, the first half of _A Convert's Tale_ focuses on 
> Salomone's Jewish life. In the second half of the book, Salomone has 
> become the Christian Ercole. Here we witness Ercole's efforts to fit 
> into that society although in many ways he remained an outsider in 
> both communities. The powerful last chapter, "Baptizing the Jews," 
> brings the two halves of the book together; it meticulously describes 
> the dramatic baptism ceremony of Salomone and his oldest son, 
> performed by the Bishop of Ferrara, Bartolomeo della Rovere, nephew 
> of Pope Sixtus IV. This ceremony, which took place in the Cathedral 
> of St. George, Ferrara, on Sunday October 9, 1491, was intended to 
> provide "a spectacular manifestation of Christianity's triumph over 
> Judaism" (p. 92). 
> 
> The first half of the book is divided into two parts. In part 1, "The 
> Virtuoso Jew" (chapters 1-5), Herzig focuses on Salomone's formative 
> years, his professional development as a Jewish goldsmith, and his 
> relations with Jews in Bologna and Mantua until his falling out with 
> community members of Mantua in 1491. Coming from a relatively 
> affluent family of moneylenders, Salomone was a quintessential 
> outsider. He broke away from the Jewish profession of moneylending, 
> possibly having gained knowledge of precious metals and gems when he 
> had assessed their value for securities for loans. He spent his early 
> life in Florence and then moved to Bologna with his mother and 
> siblings after his father's death. He married a daughter of the 
> banker Zinatan Finzi in about 1478, and the couple had four children 
> (two boys and two girls) before their conversion to Christianity (and 
> an additional three daughters when living in Ferrara as Christians). 
> By 1487 they had moved to Mantua since it provided better 
> opportunities for Jewish goldsmiths; Salomone was apprenticed to a 
> Christian master goldsmith, Ermes Flavio, in the service of Francesco 
> Gonzaga, the Marquis of Mantua. Here he became recognized as a 
> talented goldsmith and became aware of Flavio's professional 
> privileges as a master craftsman--a title that could not be bestowed 
> on Jews in Italy at the time. In 1489 he decided to move with his 
> family to Ferrara to benefit from a more stable income as a goldsmith 
> rather than depending on specific commissions. If his life had 
> continued in this vein, Salomone, as a gifted goldsmith who created 
> new artistic trends, could, as Herzig maintains, have pursued "a 
> successful artistic career without having to compromise his religious 
> beliefs" (p. 29). 
> 
> Salomone had already accumulated serious debts in 1485, and continued 
> to act irresponsibly, gambling or indulging in illicit pleasures with 
> men or women in taverns, and then demanding financial support from 
> his Jewish relatives. He also sometimes cheated his patrons of sums 
> of money to pay these debts, thus making them unsympathetic to his 
> subsequent plight. When, in March 1491, a case of blood libel 
> surfaced and a baby girl was found mutilated and murdered in the 
> center of Mantua, the Jews of that city--some of whom Salomone had 
> already alienated--accused him of being an informer and of 
> incriminating certain Jews for the murder. Believing him to be a 
> threat to their collective welfare, the Jewish community did not 
> hesitate to denounce him to the Gonzaga rulers. 
> 
> Part 2 of the book (chapters 6-9), which is labeled "Apostasy," 
> begins by studying the Mantuan Jews' accusation against Salomone for 
> sodomy and other transgressions (although Salomone's _processo_ 
> before Ferrara's criminal court is not extant). It suggests that 
> members of the Jewish community did not show solidarity in the face 
> of Christian authorities: indeed, they did not hesitate to lay 
> information before princely courts that implicated fellow Jews in 
> capital crimes. Among these was sodomy, and here Herzig concentrates 
> on homosexuality in Renaissance Italy: how the crime could be lodged 
> against certain Jews by their Jewish adversaries, how sodomy was 
> particularly associated with goldsmithery in Renaissance Florence, 
> and how Christians responded to the allegation. She then describes 
> Salomone's conditional pardon, which was granted by Duke Ercole, 
> under pressure from his wife Eleonora of Aragon who wanted Salomone 
> to continue creating dazzling jewelry for her. The second part of the 
> book ends with Salomone's baptism. 
> 
> Part 3 (chapters 10-15), "A Family of Converts," begins Ercole's long 
> and tortuous attempt to achieve a desired assimilation in Christian 
> Ferrara. This, I believe, is the most impressive section of the book 
> as Herzig comes into her own, on more confident terrain of Christian 
> history, and elucidates the consequences of conversion not only for 
> the goldsmith but also for his two daughters and two sons in the 
> first fifteen years after their conversion. Ercole assumes the 
> honorific appellation of Master Goldsmith and continues to work in 
> Ferrara. Continuing to rely on local Jews for redeeming pledged 
> objects meant that the neophyte maintained contact with the community 
> despite his new existence. As a Christian goldsmith, he produced at 
> least four reliquary tabernacles as part of large-scale, expensive, 
> and prestigious ducal projects, but his anomalous status, as a former 
> Jew who had aroused suspicion of dishonesty and deceit, prevented his 
> full integration into Christian society. 
> 
> Herzig also follows the trials and tribulations of Ercole's children. 
> One senses how much easier it was for the next generation to 
> assimilate into Christian society. Ercole's oldest son, Alfonso, 
> began making various pieces of jewelry for Lucrezia Borgia, was 
> chosen as the goldsmith responsible for the safekeeping of the 
> duchess's jewels during her trip from Rome to Ferrara, and by 1504 
> was working alongside his father as a qualified goldsmith. Ferrante, 
> Ercole's younger son, was also trained by his father and became a 
> full-fledged member of his workshop. Caterina, Ercole's oldest 
> daughter, at the late age of twenty-two, was placed in a monastic 
> house in order that her father need not secure her a dowry. Herzig 
> believes that Caterina, like her mother, would probably not have 
> converted on her own initiative. Whether she was able to acclimatize 
> and be accepted in the nunnery is questionable. His second daughter, 
> Anna, as mentioned above, entered the court of Lucrezia Borgia. It 
> was from this time that Ercole's health began to fail, due to the 
> harsh working conditions of his workshop.
> 
> Part 4 (chapters 16-20), "Between Jews and Christians," tracks Ercole 
> and his family from 1505 and the death of their princely protector, 
> Ercole d'Este, to 1522. No longer employed as a court goldsmith, the 
> Fedeli workshop suffered the consequences of continuous warfare and 
> the stormy years of the Italian Wars (1494-1530), the failing health 
> of Ercole, unrealistic promises for the date of finished commissions, 
> and recurrent epidemics. This was a difficult period for everyone. 
> Ercole again chose to resort to shady means to ensure an income, 
> which suggests that he was indulging in gambling or other 
> disreputable pursuits, or just had poor administrative and managerial 
> skills. Faced with financial calamity, particularly after the 
> untimely death of Lucrezia Borgia in 1519, the goldsmiths suffered 
> through unannounced visits of the dukes' officials and threats of 
> incarceration as well as actual imprisonment for both Ercole and 
> Alfonso. Without a strong matronly patron demanding glittering works 
> of art, Ercole's commissions ran dry and only a few works were 
> commissioned by Alfonso d'Este during the last years of Ercole's 
> life. Conversion had therefore been no guarantee of financial 
> security. One wonders, then, whether Ercole's experiences as a 
> high-profile goldsmith actually prevented others from taking the same 
> path. 
> 
> The wealth of insight and perspective that Herzig brings to her 
> monograph makes _A Convert's Tale_ a huge and important contribution 
> to the study of apostasy, micro-history, and religion. Her research 
> inspires her readers to continue at least one line of inquiry, which 
> is to find out how many Jewish women across northern Italy were 
> baptized and entered nunneries. I certainly would have appreciated a 
> list of archives and primary sources at the back of the book to 
> ensure easy access to Herzig's trail. Nevertheless, Herzig's work 
> will stand at the forefront of research on the conversion of Jews to 
> Christianity in Renaissance Italy for many years to come. 
> 
> Note 
> 
> [1]. Paola Tartakoff, "Testing Boundaries: Jewish Conversion and 
> Cultural Fluidity in Medieval Europe, c. 1200-1391," _Speculum _90, 
> no. 3 (July 2015): 728-62. 
> 
> _Katherine Aron-Beller is a visiting scholar of the Stephen Roth 
> Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism and Racism._ 
> 
> Citation: Katherine E. Aron-Beller. Review of Herzig, Tamar, _A 
> Convert's Tale: Art, Crime, and Jewish Apostasy in Renaissance 
> Italy_. H-Judaic, H-Net Reviews. August, 2020.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55408
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 

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