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Washington Post, August 12, 2020
Cornel West: Is America ‘even capable of treating the masses of Black people 
with decency and dignity’?
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Cornel West speaks to a crowd during a protest against fossil fuels at Harvard 
University in April 2015. (John Tlumacki/Boston Globe via Getty Images)
By KK Ottesen
August 11, 2020 at 9:00 a.m. EDT
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Cornel West, 67, is a professor at Harvard University and professor emeritus at 
Princeton University, as well as an author and frequent commentator on issues 
of race, gender and class in American society.

*There’s been a real outpouring from people around the country and around the 
world in response to the death of George Floyd and others recently. Do you 
think this could actually be a turning point?*

Well, I hope so. You never know which catalyst is the crucial one that can 
sustain the movement. The Rosa Parks moment. The Emmett Till moment. But 
there’s good evidence that this could be a real pivotal moment in which people 
seriously wrestle with this legacy of white supremacy and other forms of 
injustice. The question is really: Where are we going? And whether America is 
even capable of treating the masses of Black people with decency and dignity. 
We might be reaching the real limits — the structural limits and the spiritual 
threshold — of a white supremacist empire.

The white supremacists whose sensibilities are being called into question by so 
many on the street, you know, they still got a lot of cousins. And once they 
organize, then it’s a different thing. They got [lots of] white supremacist 
militia groups. And that’s the ones with rifles. I’m not even talking about the 
ones without rifles. And Black folk, we ain’t got none. So there are signs of 
great hope in terms of our precious fellow citizens hitting the streets and 
showing their deep outrage of a public lynching of a precious Black man. But 
once things settle down, that White backlash could set in with the neo-fascist 
gangster in the White House, and with his following — Trump [had] what, 65 
percent of the White male vote, 52 percent of the White female vote? So, that’s 
the kind of country we’re dealing with.

*Do you see a backlash coming from that coming as soon as November?*

It's hard to say. It depends on who really decides to show up and whether, in 
fact, the milquetoast neoliberals in the Democratic Party can generate enough 
excitement so that voting for [Joe] Biden is substantive and serious and 
expansive. I mean, right now, it doesn't look too good. Biden just is 
charismatic as a dead fish in many ways. He's much better than Trump, but 
that's not good enough. You got to have somebody who can generate real 
enthusiasm.

AD

*I know you were a big Bernie Sanders supporter. Many of the issues he was 
talking about that people called outlandish at the time are now talked about by 
the mainstream candidates.*

He reshaped the climate of opinion, there’s no doubt about it. But the question 
is whether it’s just lip service from the Democratic Party establishment during 
the election period. And they’ll fall right back in. I mean, when you look at 
Biden’s advisers, these are some of the most problematic neoliberal figures in 
both Clinton and Obama administrations. This is a new time, a new era, a new 
moment. You can’t just keep looking back. As I’ve told people, I think we ought 
to vote for [Biden]. But that’s in no way an endorsement.

*You criticized President Obama, called him a “ Rockefeller Republican in 
blackface ( 
https://www.democracynow.org/2012/11/9/tavis_smiley_cornel_west_on_the ) ” and 
a “ neoliberal opportunist ( 
https://www.salon.com/2014/08/24/cornel_west_he_posed_as_a_progressive_and_turned_out_to_be_counterfeit_we_ended_up_with_a_wall_street_presidency_a_drone_presidency/
 ).” How did your opinions of him develop?*

AD

For me, it’s always a question of being true to the standards that come out of 
my own and our own Black freedom struggle. But when I first talked with brother 
Barack back in 2007, he asked me to work with him. I said: Well, what is your 
relationship to the legacy of Martin Luther King Jr., Fannie Lou Hamer and Ella 
Baker? And we talked for hours. And it was an honest, wonderful talk. I said: 
This is wonderful, brother. And jumped on board.

But see, there’s a connection for me between police crime, Wall Street crimes 
and Pentagon crimes. And once I saw him bring in the neoliberal economists — 
Larry Summers and others who had played such an ugly role in terms of 
unleashing Wall Street greed, repealing Glass-Steagall — I knew they were 
calling for the bailout of Wall Street. But when he brought in [John] Brennan 
as well, responsible for the torture, and then he allowed the torturers to go 
free. Well, how are you going to talk about torturers walking free and be 
critical of police walking free? They’re still killing folk. Somebody’s got to 
be accountable.

I raised the issue early on when he started hanging out with all those folk. I 
know politicians got to be politicians. I understand that’s one lane that 
they’re in. I’m in another lane. I said: Where’s the talk about poverty? 
Where’s the talk about the criminal justice system? Where’s the talk about the 
new Jim Crow? Where’s the talk about stopping these drones? Bush had 45 [drone 
strikes]. I’d call him a war criminal a zillion times. Obama’s got 563, killing 
innocent folk. I’ve got to be morally consistent.

AD

Everybody'd think: Oh, you must be working for Fox News. No, no, no. I voted 
for Barack twice. Because I'm against the right wing, but I want to be truthful 
about him. And when I was looking at his policies, I could see very clearly it 
was too beholden to Wall Street, too tied to the militarism of Pentagon. And 
did not address head-on the Black predicament. So I had to raise my voice. I 
said: We're going to need a Black agenda even with a Black president. Just your 
Blackness itself is not enough.

*So did you ever get to have those conversations with him?*

Oh, no, no. Sister Valerie [ Jarrett ( 
https://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/02/us/politics/valerie-jarrett-is-the-other-power-in-the-west-wing.html?pagewanted=all&_moc.semityn.www
 ) ] put out a thing: West is a traitor, a race traitor. He's un-American and 
all that. I said: Okay, y'all. All righty. But what is happening now is that 
people come up to me and say: Brother West, I hated you. You were nothing but a 
trasher of Obama. And now I see exactly what you were talking about.

AD

And I tell them, I never said that I hated Obama. Some of my critics did. I 
never hated Obama. You can't vote for somebody twice. You can't pray for his 
safety and protection against these white supremacist militia trying to kill 
him. Pray for him and his family. But I hate injustice. I don't care whether 
it's a Black person or a Black president. Or a White president. You got to be 
morally consistent.

*So do you think this could be the election, the year, the event that really 
does force the United States to come to grips with the choices we have to make 
as a country?*

I think it’s going to be two moments. The first moment’s going to be the 
election. And we just hope we can get through the election. Because Trump may 
either cancel it with the second wave of the virus or just claim voter fraud 
and refuse to leave. Then we got a serious crisis.

AD

But the other moment is when the verdict comes down as to whether policemen [in 
the George Floyd case] are actually convicted or not. It only takes one vote on 
a jury in order to impede the conviction. And then it’s very clear that the 
system does not have the capacity to reform itself. Because it’s not just the 
police. Now it’s the judges. And it’s the prosecutors. It’s the jury. You see, 
we’ve been through this before. I mean, how many times have we heard [Al] 
Sharpton talking about we’re going to get justice, and rally after a precious 
Black fellow just gets killed? And he can’t deliver. The system is too tight.

These killings went on by the hundreds under the Obama administration. And if 
you’ve got an Eric Holder and Loretta Lynch, these are very decent folk. They 
got a lot of power. So you got a Black president, two Black attorney generals, 
and Black homeland security [secretary], and Black mayor, and sometimes a Black 
police commissioner, and you still can’t send these folks to jail. See, that’s 
a systemic problem. That’s not just individuals, you know? All that Black 
official power can’t translate into stopping the police murders of precious 
Black young people. That’s a system that is just rotten at the core.

*Is it possible to transform the system from the inside, or do you think it 
needs radical overhaul?*

AD

If, under the Obama administration, they had made it a priority to transform 
the criminal justice system the way they made it a priority to bail out Wall 
Street, then that’s a different kind of energy. That’s a very different kind of 
focus, different kind of concentration, of resources and energy. Now, if they 
did that, and they had those of us on the outside putting pressure, and we 
still couldn’t do it, then that’s like a [Marcus] Garvey moment, right? Just 
time to get the hell out.

*So, a collapse in the legitimacy of the system, in the legitimacy of 
leadership?*

That's right. You know, Keith Ellison ( 
https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/americans-want-justice-for-george-floyd-keith-ellison-is-in-charge-of-getting-it/2020/06/17/243ba312-b012-11ea-856d-5054296735e5_story.html?itid=lk_inline_manual_39
 ) is [a very decent] brother. He's going to break his neck and do all he can. 
But he still might not be able to follow through. But, I think, at that point 
we have to come up with our own mechanisms of ensuring that we are not 
attacked. Not literally going back to Africa, but symbolically saying, we've 
got to really turn to each other and come up with ways in which we can try to 
generate goods, resources, self-defense and so forth. Because we have no other 
option.

AD

*Who do you see as being leading lights, or most exciting leaders, whether in 
academia, the arts, the political arena, who could inspire people to move 
forward and have the energy and enthusiasm?*

That's a wonderful question. Because we just have so much mediocre Black 
leadership, just like you got mediocre White leadership. When you really look 
at the new wave of folk, they're not really that well known. You got Tef Poe in 
Ferguson. He's the co-editor of the Boycott Times journal with Mordecai Lyon. 
Phil Agnew, co-founder of Dream Defenders, is another. Sister [Charlene] 
Carruthers out of Chicago with the Black Youth Project [100]. All these are 
very important voices. Sister Ashley [Yates in Oakland]. Michael McBride, 
pastor of The Way [Christian Center], out in Oakland. There's always a very 
small number every generation of people who really love Black people. I'm not 
talking about people who love being in front of Black people. Willing to live 
and die for. You know, people like Stokely Carmichael and Huey Newton and 
Ericka Huggins. We're at that kind of point now. We have to have those kinds of 
persons of deep integrity and deep commitment.

*As a professor, what do you see as the strengths of this generation, and 
things that give you pause?*

The strength of the younger generation is the willingness to see more clearly 
certain truths that have been hidden and concealed. The courage to step 
forward. The willingness to be critical of charismatic models and be open to a 
variety of different people. That's why the multiracial solidarity that we see 
in the street is so beautiful, because the young folk grew up in a much more 
multiracial context and ideas.

The weaknesses of the younger generation, of course, is that they grew up in 
the most commodified culture in the history of the world. So there's something 
always very superficial about spectacle in a commodified culture. It's all 
about what's visible. What is projected. What your image is and so forth and so 
on. Just to give you one example, you can find a lot of the young brothers and 
sisters always talking about what they brand is. I say, I ain't got no god-dang 
brand. I got a cause. You know what I mean? They put a brand on enslaved 
Africans when they came here and kept that brand on them. But that language, 
that market language, is built into the culture. That's the mentality of a 
spectacle. So you've got to shatter the superficial to get at the substantial.

You're going to need money. You're going to need a career. You're going to need 
education. But do not view those things as idols. You use those things for 
something bigger than [your]selves. Love. Justice. Integrity. And so on. But 
it's easy to get caught. And, of course, my generation is a grand example of 
what it is to get caught in a commodified culture and think that it's all about 
success rather than greatness. This sense of: All I got to do is just become 
the first Black professor or Black mayor or Black president. That that, in and 
of itself, is a definition of service and success. No, don't confuse service 
and status. Once you get the status, then you start serving. What are you going 
to do with it?

*Talking about how America might not actually have it in it as a country to get 
through this — is that a disappointment that you’ve come to grips with a long 
time ago?*

In my first book 40 years ago, I said it's unclear if America [has] the 
structural capacity and the spiritual and moral wherewithal to really treat the 
masses of Black people — not Black middle-class folk, the Black masses — with 
dignity and decency. But that's blues — you can't find no way out. That's what 
it is to be a blues people. It's: Good morning, heartache, good evening, 
heartache. Heartache's there, no matter what. You've got to learn how to love 
and laugh and get through with dignity and make sure you fortify your children 
so they're able to deal with a predicament where it looks like there's no way 
out.

But it doesn't mean that we stop fighting. Because you know about this new 
Afro-pessimist movement that's out here. Especially my young folk. I've had a 
lot of debates with them, but that's a major, major influence these days. Their 
view is: To be Black in America is to be like a cow waiting to be slaughtered. 
We will always be slaves, either mentally or literally. And it's just a matter 
of when we're called out to be slaughtered. That, to me, captures certain 
elements of truth, but it's so wrong. Because it doesn't talk about how you 
keep fighting. How do you keep loving? How do you keep sustaining yourself?

*On a personal level, is there a moment or memory or experience you continue to 
draw hope from?*

I don't have a language to describe what it means to be the second son of 
Clifton and Irene West. And I'll never be one-half of the person that they are. 
I've got a whole wave of experiences and a life shaped by a Black family. Same 
is true with Shiloh Baptist Church [in Sacramento]. To be a product of Shiloh 
Baptist Church fortified me for life. It really did. So it's a whole network 
and system of relations with Mom and Dad and Cliff, my brother, and Cynthia and 
Cheryl and so on. Passing it on to my kids, that not just keeps me going, but 
I've got a surplus in my tank. I could go for three lifetimes without ever 
running out of gas, even though I wrestle with despair every day. Never allow 
despair to have the last word. But I've had that kind of luck. That's a love 
supreme right there. That's what Coltrane was playing right there.

*You talked about the white supremacist structure maybe reaching the point of 
cracking. What would that look like? And then what happens?*

You either have the kind of nonviolent revolution that takes the form of the 
democratic sharing of wealth, power, resources and dignity — or, you end up 
with a White backlash that is so vicious that it cannot but lead toward 
authoritarian regime. It could be that we just got to go down swinging, my dear 
sister. Might be that America just doesn’t have what it takes to treat our 
children and our mothers and fathers with respect. That’s a real possibility. 
We don’t know which way this thing is going to go. It’s a fork in the road.

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