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> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: August 15, 2020 at 11:35:22 AM EDT
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Diplo]:  Hooper on Rowley, 'Putin Kitsch in America'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> Alison Rowley.  Putin Kitsch in America.  Montreal  McGill-Queen's 
> University Press, 2019.  208 pp.  $27.95 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-0-7735-5901-1.
> 
> Reviewed by Cynthia Hooper (College of the Holy Cross)
> Published on H-Diplo (August, 2020)
> Commissioned by Seth Offenbach
> 
> The Uncertain Purpose of Putin Kitsch
> 
> _Putin Kitsch in America_ is a lively and entertaining book 
> dedicated, as its title suggests, to chronicling the rather 
> astonishing array of English-language kitsch available online that 
> centers on the figure of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. The abundance 
> of Putin-related products that author Alison Rowley has unearthed 
> range from refrigerator magnets to hand puppets to video games to 
> porn. Her account of them all is motivated, she says, by her interest 
> in the ways that Putin's image "functions as a political talisman far 
> outside the borders of Russia" (p. 3). 
> 
> Ultimately, however, this sentence is a bit of a misnomer. The word 
> "talisman" is generally used to refer to a revered object thought to 
> bestow protection, bring good fortune, and carry magical powers. And 
> while some of the artifacts Rowley describes do truly appear to 
> celebrate aspects of the Russian leader (whether real or imagined), 
> many others carry an element of mockery, whimsy, or disgust. Some 
> seem to be crafted toward consumer tastes and made to sell, others to 
> entertain or appall by breaking conventional taboos.
> 
> What, exactly, these different forms of kitsch signify--both 
> individually and as a whole--is a question Rowley struggles to 
> answer. As a result, the strength of her book lies in its thick 
> description, peppered with amusing asides. Any number of deft, 
> eclectic, and engaging analytical tidbits are interwoven throughout 
> Rowley's chapters, as the author dips into scholarship on 
> commodification, protest, satire, masculinity, homoerotic fantasy, 
> internet economics, and social media. The history of the T-shirt is 
> discussed on one page, that of the French Revolution on another. This 
> is not exactly cotton candy for the masses. Nevertheless, it does 
> still feel like a bit of a guilty pleasure for readers who may 
> ultimately be left to wonder what exactly it all means.   
> 
> Warning: This sense of guilt could intensify once the reader hits the 
> middle chapters, which concentrate on sexualized kitsch--such as a 
> BDSM-filled _Putin F*cks Trump_ adult coloring book--and pornographic 
> fiction, often involving imaginary encounters between Putin and his 
> US counterpart, Donald Trump (p. 64). In one chapter, Rowley analyzes 
> eleven online slash stories, and while she fully acknowledges the 
> bathroom humor that informs much of her material, she takes her 
> examination of that humor seriously. This leads to such things as a 
> scholarly assessment of what Rowley calls the omnipresent trope of 
> "Putin's magic penis" (p. 118). Extensive coverage is given to works 
> that Rowley admits are neither well written nor widely read. These 
> include "Mission F@ck Putin"--a piece Rowley notes is "full of 
> grammatical errors"--that depicts former senator Hillary Clinton 
> urinating into Putin's mouth before sodomizing him with a dildo, and 
> "Back-Door Politics," which features carnivalesque acts of debauchery 
> throughout the White House (pp. 102 and 105). At a state dinner for 
> Putin, just to take one example, Trump's son Eric urinates in another 
> guest's water glass, and Trump loses control of his bowels while 
> dancing a tango with the Russian leader (p. 129). 
> 
> Sex scenes can, without doubt, serve as vehicles for grassroots 
> commentary on relations of power and control, and it is certainly 
> interesting to encounter some of the ways that modern political 
> disaffection has been expressed through porn. But even so, readers 
> may at times question the intellectual merits of so much elaborate 
> detail. 
> 
> Throughout, Rowley argues that "Putin kitsch is a form of 
> contemporary political discourse" (p. 21). She sees the production 
> and consumption of the items she describes as part of a democratic, 
> mass participatory, and nontraditional process, as well as one that 
> represents a "loss of control on the part of political elites," who 
> likely would prefer to be represented in very different, far more 
> respectful fashion (p. 52). This may all be true, although Rowley's 
> insistence that these small-scale acts of creation and 
> commodification collectively function as a "positive force for 
> change" is more open to debate (p. 30). 
> 
> The further Rowley goes in her argument, the shakier her claims 
> become. First of all, Rowley assumes that any item that pokes fun of 
> Putin (or of his bromance buddy, Trump) is, in some way, a critique 
> that signifies "deep and sustained engagement with the political 
> realm" (p. 62). While she repeats the word "engagement" multiple 
> times, she never clarifies exactly how this abstract condition 
> concretely relates to the established order of things, although she 
> asserts that she is tracking "something new" that is "changing the 
> nature of politics" (p. 63). The phenomenon of people "actively and 
> creatively responding to the world of 'fake news'" in the Putin/Trump 
> era by making and selling kitsch online is the equivalent, she says, 
> of "traditional behaviours like volunteering to canvas door to door 
> for candidates [or] attending a political rally" in earlier decades 
> (pp. 62, 63). The objects of material culture she catalogues are, she 
> contends, shifting political discourse, and she footnotes, in support 
> of this argument, a 2019 volume edited by Hinda Mandell entitled 
> _Crafting Dissent: Handicraft as Protest from the American Revolution 
> to the Pussyhats_. 
> 
> Maybe some people agree. But all I know is that I have a funny Putin 
> magnet on my fridge, and it serves neither as a "talisman" nor as a 
> handcrafted signifier of dissent. I also have a postcard of Bill and 
> Hillary Clinton, both with shaved heads, that reads "Budget Cut," and 
> a container of breath-freshening candies with a picture of George W. 
> Bush on the top labeled "National Embarrassmints." I personally 
> deeply admire Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, and yet I treasure a 
> doctored image of him with a tear running down his face, reading: 
> "It's my Party, and I'll cry if I want to." 
> 
> History is littered with similar examples testifying to the fact that 
> humor, even satire, does not necessarily correlate with opposition. 
> Citizens can support a leader, yet still laugh at his or her foibles, 
> or at aspects of his or her public persona. (Many supporters of 
> Senator Bernie Sanders's 2020 campaign for the Democratic 
> presidential nomination, for example, found comedian Larry Davis's 
> imitations of their candidate on _Saturday Night Live_ uproariously 
> funny, even when Davis mocked such things as Sanders's purported 
> disdain for modern forms of technology or his alleged fondness for 
> Fidel Castro.) 
> 
> Furthermore, studies of humor during the era of Soviet leader Josef 
> Stalin such as Jonathan Waterlow's _It's Only a Joke, Comrade!_ 
> (2018) suggest that humor often plays a complex role inside even 
> dictatorships governed by strict censorship laws. No one disputes 
> that political jokes illustrate an awareness of imperfection, either 
> in the figure of the leader or in his or her policies--or in the 
> system that those policies have created, or in the character of 
> various ordinary people that participate within it. But even the most 
> cutting jokes often convey more of a sense of acceptance than of 
> rebellion. They may make their listeners more aware of hypocrisy and 
> human failings and, in so doing, create at least a fleeting sense of 
> solidarity among those who laugh at such things together. However, 
> they do not typically rally citizens for regime change.
> 
> Often, as the abundance of state-sanctioned late Soviet satire 
> suggests, political humor can serve as a tool of pacification, an 
> outlet that allows citizens to let off steam by critiquing something 
> small in exchange for accepting something big. Mocking the widespread 
> conformity that accompanied the equally widespread corruption of late 
> 1970s Soviet society, Moldavian author Ion Drutse wrote, "we lived 
> well, quietly drinking, quietly stealing."[1] I am reminded of that 
> quote when Rowley, in the space of a sentence, calls Putin kitsch 
> both subversive and secure, noting that it "offers a kind of safe 
> space for people to express their displeasure with the political 
> status quo" (p. 61). Is "subversion" that is confined to "safe 
> spaces" truly an indication of the active "engagement" that Rowley so 
> valorizes, or, alternatively, does it reflect disengagement, a degree 
> of ironic apathy, and a willingness to retreat from public into 
> private life? 
> 
> It is also possible to argue that sometimes the most seemingly 
> subversive political humor can work to reinforce official propaganda 
> by underscoring certain crucial aspects of a leader's public persona, 
> albeit in grotesque or garish ways. For example, Kremlin-funded media 
> outlet RT routinely makes fun of what it characterizes as a US 
> "Russophobia" so extreme that Americans are prone to automatically 
> blame Russia for any signs of US social dysfunction. But the 
> network's vehement denials of Russian involvement in US domestic 
> affairs nevertheless reinforce a sense of Russian power, particularly 
> by highlighting the extent of US fears. Similarly, a Russian-language 
> television program, _Comedy Club,_ often shows skits featuring 
> conversations between mock Trump and Putin figures, in which Putin is 
> portrayed as a devilish, mysterious archvillain. Yet like much of the 
> Trump/Putin paraphernalia that Rowley describes, such malevolent 
> depictions emphasize, in whatever crude or amusing way, the greater 
> strength of the Russian leader and his ability to stoke fear and 
> confusion in his US rival. 
> 
> Rowley's book also requires a deeper analysis of the role of the 
> market in the world of Putin kitsch. People who want to sell things, 
> online or otherwise, can be absolutely indifferent to politics, yet 
> see an opportunity to make money by tapping into various forms of 
> countercultural discourse--offering a palette of options to appeal to 
> different constituencies, rather than shaping a "line" of products 
> that all reflect a seller's own views. Conversely, it is important to 
> know if people are creating objects and posting them online without 
> the expectation of profit (or, in the case of porn, possibly without 
> even the expectation that their stories will be read by anyone other 
> than a small "inside circle"). We do not know much about who these 
> sellers are, what they are trying to achieve, and how they approach 
> internet commerce. Rowley says she limited her investigation into 
> these entrepreneurs, in part to protect their privacy. But leaving 
> both sellers and consumers largely out of the story means that Rowley 
> is left with little way to develop many of her claims. 
> 
> To whom are these English-language products directed? Is there a 
> profusion of Putin kitsch in other languages? Are there Putin dolls 
> for sale, say, on the German-language Amazon, or self-published 
> German-language fan fiction focused on the imaginary sexual 
> encounters of the Russian leader with long-suffering chancellor 
> Angela Merkel? What about Russian-language kitsch? What does it 
> signify if far more Americans have Putin magnets on their 
> refrigerators than do Russians (besides, perhaps, the lower 
> popularity of refrigerator magnets generally)? And how do these 
> objects of material culture compare to other types of political humor 
> found online but not for sale, in the form of, say, tweets or Youtube 
> videos?     
> 
> At the end of the day, this book offers a fun, quick read, in which 
> one senses that Rowley is definitely on to something. But what that 
> something is may be different from what the author argues. In 
> particular, this book seems to be, really, as much if not more about 
> Trump than Putin. Early on, Rowley calls her kitsch "a kind of direct 
> attack on the perceived political status quo in America," and it may, 
> indeed, testify to the different approaches people are taking to 
> living under a leader who is changing global perceptions of US power 
> (p. 34). Rowley should develop that point. Then again, maybe even 
> such a claim, however heartfelt, is overstated, as the Clinton, Bush, 
> and Barack Obama presidencies have all, in turn, served up masses of 
> fodder for the comedic world. What, exactly, is special about the 
> satire of this time or about the contemporary intersection of 
> top-down propaganda with unscripted grassroots humor and 
> internet-based microeconomic actions still remains to be explored. 
> 
> _Cynthia Hooper is an associate professor of history at the College 
> of the Holy Cross in Worcester, MA, where she also directs the 
> Russian and Eastern European Studies Program. She is currently 
> completing a book about Russian and Chinese media strategies and 
> information politics._ 
> 
> Note 
> 
> [1]. Ion Drutse, "Ideological Problems of Perestroika: Roundtable 
> Meeting," _Kommunist_ 7 (May 1988): 11 
> 
> Citation: Cynthia Hooper. Review of Rowley, Alison, _Putin Kitsch in 
> America_. H-Diplo, H-Net Reviews. August, 2020.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=54878
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 

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