These headlines recall the early years of the 20th century when, for
working people, the U.S. was at best an aspirational democracy.  Back then
the carrot-and-stick methods that DeJoy used—repaying loyalty to his
political causes with bonuses and favoring those employees who stood with
him—were utterly commonplace.

That was also an era of rampant voter suppression.  African-American men
had been stripped of the vote in most southern states by 1910, thanks in
large measure to the U.S. Supreme Court’s infamous *Williams v.
Mississippi *(1898) decision, which opened the door to literacy tests,
grandfather clauses, and a host of other mechanisms to block the black
vote.  After more than a half century of struggle for suffrage, women had
only won the right to vote in a handful of states.  And even white male
workers often struggled to get equal access to the ballot box.  Many states
used poll taxes or barred those who received public assistance from voting
in local elections, as historian Alex Keyssar
<https://ash.harvard.edu/publications/right-vote-contested-history-democracy-united-states>
has
shown.  And when more strenuous methods were needed to minimize workers’
political voice, employers did not hesitate to use them.  During labor
conflicts in the coalfields of Huerfano County, Colorado, in 1914, mine
operators collaborated with sympathetic local officials to redraw the maps
of seven electoral precincts so they were entirely on company property.  On
election day, armed guards simply prevented anyone
<https://georgetown.box.com/s/tr8e0exfot8kv49lbcvzpb126gg6d7xo> seen as
potentially “disloyal” from entering those precincts to vote.

https://workingclassstudies.wordpress.com/2020/09/14/undelivered-the-dejoy-scandal-and-democracy-in-the-balance/

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