https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/adan-chavez-%E2%80%98-us-has-failed-beat-us%E2%80%99

Adan Chavez: ‘The US has failed to beat us’
Morning Star editor Ben Chacko speaks to the vice-chair of Venezuela’s ruling 
PSUV, about the potential to diminish the right-wing bloc in the National 
Assembly at last and the prospects for Latin American socialism in an era of 
declining US influence

Ben ChackoSaturday, December 5, 2020
VENEZUELA’S National Assembly elections this weekend offer the prospect of 
ending the right-wing majority the opposition won five years ago.

Given what the right have used their parliamentary majority to do — including 
repeated attempts to overthrow the democratically elected President Nicolas 
Maduro, organise violent street insurgencies that targeted and killed scores of 
suspected “Chavistas” (often identified as such solely by their dark skin) and 
provide a platform for the assembly’s rotating president, Juan Guaido, to 
unconstitutionally declare himself president of the country last year, winning 
a pro-revolutionary majority would be a huge step forward.

Adan Chavez Frias, elder brother of the revolutionary Hugo who led Venezuela 
from 1999 until his death in 2013, is currently Venezuelan ambassador to Cuba 
and vice-chair of the United Socialist Party (PSUV).

He says the opposition-controlled National Assembly has in practice been a tool 
of “Yankee imperialism” subverting Venezuela’s government and seeking a 
“parliamentary coup d’etat” against other branches of government.

“Those who won the election in 2015 were representatives of the most 
radical-right, truly fascist forces,” he says.

“Since they took office in 2016 they started managing interventions from the 
United States, illegal sanctions against Venezuela.”

Although the Bolivarian revolution was able to mobilise supporters in massive 
counter-demonstrations when attempts to overturn the government were at their 
height, and have seen off each opposition push to seize power, Chavez says 
attempts have come “so close” to success that regaining a majority in the 
assembly would be a “very important victory” that will allow the body to work 
together with other branches of government again, pass laws and bring the 
political stability needed to overcome the US’s economic war on Venezuela.

The Constituent Assembly, that was elected in 2017 to amend the constitution 
because of the constitutional crisis created by the National Assembly’s war 
against the presidency, will wind up at the end of this year, its job done.

Chavez is clear that electing the constituent assembly — predictably denounced 
by Western governments — was essential because “the right were about to bring 
us to the point of civil war.

“Their attempts [to seize power] were so violent, they were destabilising the 
most important cities by blocking roads, setting fire to state institutions, 
even killing people because they looked like Chavistas.”

The Constituent Assembly carried out legislative roles the National Assembly 
could not after it was declared in contempt, but its primary importance, in 
Chavez’s eyes, is that it helped demonstrate to opposition leaders that “the 
path of violence was just not going to achieve their goals.”

He praises President Maduro for pursuing dialogue with opposition forces, 
despite “constant attacks from the US on the dialogue process,” that have 
resulted in most opposition parties agreeing to participate in the coming 
election, though a hard-line minority including Guaido are refusing to do so.

Over 14,000 candidates have been put forward for the election, the majority 
opposition candidates, because “the opposition has very many parties.” Of 106 
parties in Venezuela over 90 are opposition parties, he says.

But this time round Venezuela’s government will face some opposition from the 
left as well as the right. The country’s Communist Party and some allies have 
come together to form the Popular Revolutionary Alternative (APR), which is 
contesting the elections separately from the PSUV-led alliance for the first 
time since 1998.

The APR accuses the Maduro government of shifting to the right, prioritising 
doing deals with representatives of Venezuelan business over progress towards 
socialism, supporting privatisation of some state assets and failing to act on 
the killing of poor farmers by landlords. It has also accused the government of 
complicity in a media blackout aimed at silencing its candidates.

Chavez says while never a communist, he has huge respect for the Communist 
Party of Venezuela (PCV), and like other PSUV leaders has appreciated its 
support for the PSUV over the course of the Hugo Chavez and Maduro governments.

He insists that different strategies are “completely normal in a group of 
forces which nonetheless share many fundamental principles.”

As for their standing candidates against the PSUV, “I respect that. I don’t 
agree with their criticisms of the government, but we respect their decision to 
participate in the election.

“I am sure that once the elections are over, if they manage to get candidates 
elected, they will add themselves to those deputies who are parliamentary 
representatives of the revolution.

“I am completely assured that they will not work with the opposition against 
the revolution, nor will standing by and not being involved be their policy.”

As for accusations that Maduro has shifted to the right, he says: “If that were 
true, then the US government would not be attacking us as they are.

“They would diminish the sanctions. They would be looking for ways to start 
dialogue. We know for a fact that is not happening.”

The opposition participate because they have confidence in the process, he 
says. Venezuela’s electoral system was famously praised by former US president 
Jimmy Carter as “the best in the world.”

Voters use biometric authentication to activate a voting machine that records 
the vote digitally and provides a receipt for the voter. The system is 
unriggable — something ironically demonstrated by the victory of the opposition 
five years ago.

Chavez says the government has learned from the mistakes that led to that 
defeat.

He argues that the PSUV tried to fight an election in “normal conditions” 
without realising “we were in a war.”

The right and the media were able to blame economic problems on the government, 
and the role US sanctions and attacks played was less clear then than it is now.

As a result, large numbers of Chavista voters stayed at home in 2015 — but the 
very consequence of that, the opposition’s victory and the destabilisation it 
caused, makes it less likely they will do so this time.

The huge mobilisations to defend the government from opposition coup attempts, 
the election of the Constituent Assembly in 2017 and the re-election of Maduro 
in 2018 all show that “the people of Venezuela have responded, have learned, 
have come out to vote.

“We are working really, really hard, making sure that people understand the 
reason for economic difficulties, looking at the solutions, how to break the 
blockade. That’s why we are very excited that on December 6 we are going to 
have a big victory.”

Is that why he thinks calls are coming from the United States and the European 
Union for the election to be delayed?

“There’s no reason to postpone the elections,” Chavez says. “If you ask those 
who make this proposal — the EU, for example — they give you no arguments.

“The only thing they have said in the past is that there is not enough time to 
organise a team of observers who can fly to Venezuela for the elections, but 
that for us is not an argument. If they cannot come, bad luck.

“That’s not a big enough argument to suspend an electoral process driven by the 
constitution and Venezuelan law. The period of the current National Assembly, 
according to the constitution, is coming to an end.”

Though Juan Guaido’s presidency even of the defunct National Assembly has been 
disputed within that body since January, the election of a new assembly will 
remove any vestige of official status from him.

Will that be the beginning of the end for the farce by which Guaido, an 
unelected pretender heading an entirely fictional government, is recognised by 
55 countries?

“Guaido is recognised by the governments of countries that are lackeys of the 
United States,” says Chavez, pointing out that a big majority of countries 
worldwide recognise the legitimate Maduro government.

“Right now that number, 55, has actually gone down; we don’t know how many 
countries are supporting the claim. And some of these governments are actually 
finding it rather embarrassing now.

“So when we have a new National Assembly, they will have to change their 
position.”

And will the inauguration of Joe Biden as US president make any difference to 
the aggressive US sanctions against the country?

On that he’s less optimistic. “I don’t really believe so.”

US Establishment power structures are designed to ensure it can “intervene in 
and become owners of the rest of the world and that really is independent of 
who the US president is,” he explains.

“When they elected the first black president, Barack Obama, what changes were 
there in international policy with regards to Venezuela? Practically none. He 
was the president who first defined Venezuela as ‘an extraordinary threat to 
the national security of the United States’.”

Where he does see room for optimism, is that the US “is becoming weaker and 
weaker. They are still powerful of course, financially, militarily.

But when you compare it with what the world was like 15 or 20 years ago, you 
can see the US is going through a political and economic crisis.

“There have been many demonstrations of the north American people … 
demonstrations against racism, against police assassinations … They have 
problems internally and externally.”

This he links to broader geostrategic developments such as the rise of China as 
well as the US failure, despite all their efforts, “to defeat Cuba, Nicaragua 
and Venezuela. The recipes they have applied to other countries for regime 
change — they have not managed to implement them with us.”

Indeed, the inspiration these three countries can provide to Latin America is 
demonstrated by their responses to the coronavirus pandemic, he argues.

In contrast to the US, which “is the first country in the world in the number 
of cases and deaths, we, the socialists, have been taking care of our people in 
a very efficient manner, free of cost.

“Cuba has given support to 50 different countries around the world while doing 
so. Socialist countries are better at looking after the people, while countries 
higher up the list [of infection and death rates] like Brazil have been killing 
their people.”

People can see that countries like the US “don’t have the solutions — so we 
will manage, sooner or later, to create this new world that is beneficial for 
the rest of the planet.”


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