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Andrew Stewart

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> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: December 6, 2020 at 6:18:07 AM EST
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Socialisms]:  Shapiro on Goff, 'Auguste Blanqui and 
> the Politics of Popular Empowerment'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> Philippe Le Goff.  Auguste Blanqui and the Politics of Popular 
> Empowerment.  London  Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2020.  273 pp.
> $115.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-350-07679-2.
> 
> Reviewed by Shelby Shapiro (Independent Scholar)
> Published on H-Socialisms (December, 2020)
> Commissioned by Gary Roth
> 
> Blanqui
> 
> In _Auguste Blanqui and the Politics of Popular Enlightenment_, 
> Philippe Le Goff endeavors to make the legendary nineteenth-century 
> French revolutionist relevant to the twentieth and twenty-first 
> centuries. Discussing Blanqui's ideas in depth makes this book 
> valuable. He connects Blanqui's ideas with Jean-Jacques Rousseau and 
> then Francis-Noel "Gracchus" Babeuf and Philippe Buonarroti: "indeed, 
> my basic (and most consequential and contentious) move is to approach 
> Blanqui as serious political thinker whose body of thought warrants 
> sustained critical engagement. Blanqui's enduring contribution to 
> radical thought, I argue, is his insistence on the capacity of 
> conscious and organized collective political action to bring about 
> radical social change, and the focus and consistency with which he 
> articulated this view" (p. 14). 
> 
> Between the introduction and conclusion, Le Goff divides his study 
> into five parts: intelligence, conflict, actors, volition, and 
> history. Blanqui's main focus was on the need to be educated and 
> enlightened. Blanqui advocated that an enlightened elite be entrusted 
> with the education project after taking power; somehow power would 
> devolve upon the newly enlightened masses. The mechanics of this 
> transition were never described by Blanqui. Nor is there any 
> discussion about what would constitute sufficient enlightenment, also 
> a failure not of Le Goff's making. It is worth noting, as Le Goff 
> does, that Blanqui's attempts at insurrection all ended in failure, 
> and he spent more than half of his life as a political prisoner. The 
> fact that Blanqui spent decades behind bars as a political prisoner 
> speaks to Blanqui's sincerity and deeply held beliefs in his 
> ideological edifice, rather than whether that particular fortress was 
> worth defending. To sincerely believe that miasmas cause disease does 
> not prove that Robert Koch was wrong; to sincerely believe that the 
> earth is actually flat does not disprove all of the scientific 
> evidence to the contrary. 
> 
> To make Blanqui relevant is highly problematic, and leads to the main 
> weakness of this book. Emblematic of this is a comment Le Goff makes 
> as he discusses a number of Blanqui's newspapers: "one might note, 
> parenthetically and anachronistically, that it is for these very 
> reasons [the ability of a free press to enlighten] that Blanqui would 
> have undoubtedly been wholly enthusiastic about the capacity of 
> social media and the internet more generally to reach directly vast 
> swathes of people, bypassing both the practical and political 
> limitations of the print press" (p. 38). Le Goff's noting that his 
> comment was both parenthetical and anachronistic only led this 
> reviewer to wonder why he nevertheless made the observation: 
> obviously the author felt it was an insight profound enough to be 
> mentioned, despite the qualifying language. This serves as an 
> excellent example of what the Cambridge philosopher of history 
> Quentin Skinner wrote on the "impropriety of supposing that he 
> _could_ have meant to contribute to a debate whose terms were 
> unavailable to him, and whose point would have been lost on him."[1] 
> Le Goff's parenthetical comment assumes that Blanqui would have 
> understood and approved of the "social media and the internet." By 
> the time Blanqui died, France in general and Paris in particular did 
> not have an electrical grid system and radio had not been invented, 
> much less its technological offshoots. How can it be even assumed 
> that Blanqui would have approved of this new technology? The 
> historian Tom Standage pointed out the fears engendered among many 
> people by what he called "the Victorian internet"--that is, the 
> telegraph.[2] 
> 
> Le Goff seeks "to situate [Blanqui] within his own historical 
> context, to understand him within his political and intellectual 
> environment, but not confine him to this. His writings are at once a 
> product of, yet not reducible to, the specific sociopolitical 
> conjuncture of their composition" (p. 19). Yet Le Goff also states 
> that "any attempt to draw direct parallels and equivalences between 
> Blanqui's time and our own will soon run into trouble, of course," 
> and then proceeds to do just that: "and yet, for all the obvious 
> contextual differences, one cannot fail to be struck by the extent to 
> which, in certain basic respects, Blanqui's sociopolitical analysis 
> does in fact resonate today" (p. 188). To quote the Marxist professor 
> Bertell Ollman's reply to a student's question in a socialist theory 
> class this reviewer took at New York University in the late 1960s, 
> "as a gentleman of the dialectic, my answer is yes. And no." 
> 
> Blanqui rooted his ideology in enlightenment and education as the 
> path to freedom. "In the short term," writes Le Goff, "responsibility 
> for initiating processes of mass education falls on the only group
> of people in a position to undertake them--the _declasses_ 
> intellectuals who align themselves with the atheist workers, artisans 
> and students concentrated in Paris" (p. 5). Later he writes: "Most of 
> the salient features of Blanqui's conspiratorial politics are present 
> here: an enlightened minority capable of overcoming its numerical 
> inferiority through subjective dedication and determination; an 
> ignorant and impotent majority requiring external assistance to free 
> it from its unconscious servitude; the destruction of all forms of 
> mis-education and manipulation. To this we should add a 
> post-revolutionary transitional power based in the capital, a 
> 'Parisian dictatorship', that represents the nation as a whole. With 
> these components Blanqui's project becomes clear enough: an 
> enlightened elite seize power in Paris, where all political and 
> intellectual forces of the country are concentrated, and launch a 
> dual process of popular education on the one hand and suppression of 
> those actors who threaten to prevent, undermine or undo the work of 
> enlightenment on the other. Following this transitional period, the 
> general dissemination and development of enlightened thought and 
> consciousness would give rise to the direct self-rule of the people" 
> (p. 45). 
> 
> This is the opposite of "popular empowerment." It is, rather, the 
> empowerment of a disciplined minority: first, to take power, and then
> to exercise it allegedly in the interests of the masses as perceived 
> by the vanguard. In Le Goff's words, "like Lenin or Che after him, 
> Blanqui went to extraordinary lengths to unite 'in himself', as Fidel 
> Castro later said of Che, the revolutionary ideas, the revolutionary 
> action and the revolutionary virtues that form the three pillars of 
> his political project" (p. 8). An interesting trio: Castro, Ernesto 
> "Che" Guevara, and Lenin. Castro repurposed the Isle of Pines, the 
> prison where he had been held by Fulgencio Batista, to jail dangerous 
> counterrevolutionary poets(!). Che, Hippocratic Oath ("First, do no 
> harm") notwithstanding, represented the forces of repression in 
> "revolutionary" Cuba along with Raul Castro. Lenin famously 
> excoriated Leon Trotsky for a short-lived cessation of the death 
> penalty. 
> 
> At one point Le Hoff brings the American political philosopher 
> Michael Hardt into the equation as well: "as Michael Hardt affirms 
> with Lenin and [Baruch] Spinoza (and the same applies to Blanqui)" 
> (p. 134), thus putting into dialogue the following thinkers: Spinoza 
> (1632-77), Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), Blanqui (1805-81), and Lenin 
> (1870-1924). Hardt apparently argued that "Jefferson agrees with 
> Lenin," but how is this even remotely possible (p. 135)? This group 
> makes sense if one claims, as Le Goff does, that Blanqui anticipated 
> the thoughts and actions of people who came onto the historical stage 
> long after his exit, including Castro, Che, Antonio Gramsci, Lenin, 
> and Rosa Luxemburg. While all of these figures may have been 
> influenced by Blanqui and his writings, the reverse is impossible. 
> That all of these writers were speaking about the same issues using
> the same terms or sharing common concepts concerning similar 
> societies beggars the imagination. 
> 
> Le Goff cites Blanqui's posthumous book: _La Critique Sociale_ 
> (1885), which contained much material Blanqui never published. 
> According to historian Edward S. Mason, this book "was rarely if ever 
> read."[3] Why, at least concerning the unpublished material, this is 
> relevant to Blanqui's project(s) remains unclear. Le Goff also 
> discusses Blanqui's book on astronomy, _Eternity by the Stars_ 
> (1871), writing that "in what follows I trace the steps by which 
> Blanqui builds his analysis in order to arrive at an understanding of 
> the text itself and to consider how we might interpret its wider 
> significance within his project" (p. 168). This makes an assumption 
> that Blanqui's writings on astronomy were meant to be part of a 
> larger project. Le Goff states that Blanqui's astronomical 
> speculation began during a prison stay thirty years prior. Le Goff 
> points out the problems encountered when using Walter Benjamin's 
> pronouncements on _Eternity by the Stars_, a book admired by 
> Benjamin. Le Goff concludes by saying that "_Eternity by the Stars_ 
> does not challenge or alter so much as reaffirm Blanqui's most basic 
> philosophical assumptions.... If at first the astronomical hypothesis 
> seems to depart entirely from the politics of our earth, it is a 
> detour via the stars from which Blanqui's militant politics return 
> and reassert themselves with ever-greater force and ever-greater 
> urgency" (p. 182). In so concluding, he quotes the Marxist historian 
> Eric Hobsbawm. Under the _nom de plume_ Francis Newton, Hobsbawm 
> wrote articles about jazz for the _New Statesman_. Can it be said 
> that Hobsbawm's musical writing had anything to do with his political 
> beliefs? When Hobsbawm began writing about jazz as Francis Newton, 
> the official Communist line (and Hobsbawm remained a Party member 
> until he died) was anti-jazz. In short, Hobsbawm's "Jazzist 
> deviationism" could not and cannot be squared with, or seen as a 
> coherent part, of his allegiance to the Communist Party, or any of 
> his theoretical and historical writings. 
> 
> Le Goff, then, is attempting to make all of Blanqui's writings a 
> coherent whole, what Quentin Skinner refers to as "the myth of 
> coherence." "The recent historiography of Marx's social and political 
> thought reveals a similar trend. Marx is not allowed simply to have 
> developed and changed his views from the humanistic strains of the 
> _Economic-Philosophical Manuscripts_ to the apparently very 
> different, far more mechanistic, system outline over twenty years 
> later in _Capital_."[4] 
> 
> Le Goff states that "perhaps as many as one hundred thousand people 
> joined his funeral procession" (p. 10). Yet for all that is written 
> about "popular empowerment," all of Blanqui's attempts to overthrow 
> the government failed--the public did not feel sufficiently 
> "empowered" to follow his lead. The size of his funeral procession 
> notwithstanding, historian Patrick H. Hutton noted that the "Central 
> Revolutionary Committee, founded in 1881, remained a tightly knit 
> circle of about twenty veteran disciples of Blanqui."[5] The size of 
> the Central Revolutionary Committee and its description as "tightly 
> knit" speaks more to the character of Blanquism: the taking of power 
> by a small secret disciplined cadre, the model he adapted from Babeuf 
> and Buonarroti. "The result is in many ways an undeniably elitist 
> and/or substitutionist conception of transition and change: only 
> those with the requisite knowledge and intelligence can act to create 
> a society in which all are informed and so all are actors. It is less 
> a question of direct popular self-empowerment than of representing 
> and eventually giving power to the people when, but only when, they 
> have 'come of age'--'as soon as' they 'reach the age of reason', as 
> Rousseau similarly puts it--under the tutelage of a superior 
> intelligence" (p. 141). 
> 
> The role of Paris represents something very interesting. As the 
> intellectual center, "Blanqui's underlying assumption is clear: 
> Parisians, unlike the majority of the French population, are 
> enlightened and as such politically conscious, capable of the 
> purposeful, determined action that revolutionary politics demands.... 
> Parisians think for, act for and stand for the French people as a 
> whole" (p. 49). Paris as the dictating center renders the rest of the 
> country a colony ruled by and for its center. To cite Franz Fanon, 
> Castro, Guevara, Jefferson, and other anticolonialists, then, becomes 
> an exercise in irony. 
> 
> The value of this book lies in Le Goff's setting forth the political 
> thought of Auguste Blanqui and placing that into the context of 
> Blanqui's times and the struggles in which Blanqui participated. 
> Trying to make him relevant to the twentieth and twenty-first 
> centuries undermines the seriousness his ideas deserve within the 
> context of their utterance by Blanqui. 
> 
> Notes 
> 
> [1]. Quentin Skinner, "Meaning and Understanding in the History of 
> Ideas," _History and Theory _8, no. 1 (1969): 8. 
> 
> [2]. Tom Standage, _The Victorian Internet: The Remarkable Story of 
> the Telegraph and the Nineteenth Century's Online Pioneers_ (London: 
> Walker &amp; Company, 1998). 
> 
> [3]. Edward S. Mason, "Blanqui and Communism," _Political Science 
> Quarterly_ 44, no. 4 (December 1929): 498-527; 498-99. 
> 
> [4]. Skinner, "Meaning and Understanding," 19-20. 
> 
> [5]. Patrick H. Hutton, "The Role of the Blanquist Party in Left-Wing 
> Politics in France, 1879-90," _Journal of Modern Histor_y 46, no. 2 
> (June 1974): 277-95; 281. 
> 
> Citation: Shelby Shapiro. Review of Goff, Philippe Le, _Auguste 
> Blanqui and the Politics of Popular Empowerment_. H-Socialisms, H-Net 
> Reviews. December, 2020.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55581
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 


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