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Andrew Stewart

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> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: December 24, 2020 at 12:02:13 PM EST
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-War]:  Michalewicz on Antov, 'The Ottoman " Wild 
> West" : The Balkan Frontier in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> Nikolay Antov.  The Ottoman &quot;Wild West&quot;: The Balkan 
> Frontier in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries.  Cambridge
> Cambridge University Press, 2017.  342 pp.  $105.00 (cloth), ISBN 
> 978-1-107-18263-9.
> 
> Reviewed by Nathan Michalewicz (George Mason University)
> Published on H-War (December, 2020)
> Commissioned by Margaret Sankey
> 
> In the fifteenth century, Deliorman, Gerlovo, and the adjacent 
> regions of the northeastern Balkans were sparsely populated. Those 
> who did inhabit the region were part of the native Christian 
> population or seminomadic non-sharia-minded Turcoman Muslims who were 
> central to the region's conquest by the Ottomans. Over the next 
> century, the population grew dramatically from an influx of heterodox 
> non-sharia-minded dervishes and Turcoman seminomads. In other words, 
> Deliorman and Gerlovo were populated in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
> centuries with the same sort of centrifugal _gazi_ forces that Cemal 
> Kafadar described in _Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the 
> Ottoman State_ (1995), where he claimed persuasively that the Ottoman 
> state's great success was subordinating them to the will of its 
> centralizing administration in fourteenth-century Anatolia. 
> Unfortunately, the available sources did not permit Kafadar to 
> describe this process, and to be fair that was not the purpose of his 
> book. Nikolay Antov provides an answer to this problem by analyzing 
> the process in the context of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century 
> Balkans. Antov's _The Ottoman "Wild West"_ successfully demonstrates 
> how these heterodox seminomadic groups, which epitomized the struggle 
> against the Ottoman state's centralizing project, were incorporated 
> into the "Ottoman political and administrative-territorial framework" 
> (p. 282). 
> 
> Based primarily on Ottoman tax registers and the _velayetname_ 
> (hagiographies of sorts) of the region's fifteenth- and 
> sixteenth-century's heroes, Antov's argument is made through seven 
> chapters that weave the reader through transformations in the social 
> environment, which similarly transformed cultural and religious 
> _mentailité_ of the region. The central argument Antov puts forward 
> is that the Ottoman state took an accommodationist approach to 
> influence the social structure of the region through indirect 
> policies (such as tax easements and pious endowments) to encourage 
> urbanization in certain areas and subsequently produce a cultural 
> _mentalité_ that embraced the Ottoman state, agricultural 
> activities, and conformist religious practices and beliefs. 
> 
> The Abdals of Rum (which formed the predominant social group of the 
> region) originated as non-sedentary, nonconformist, non-sharia-minded 
> Turcoman Muslims in Anatolia who supported the Ottoman _gaza_ effort 
> in Anatolia and the Balkans in the fourteenth and fifteenth 
> centuries. Despite their nonconformity and even antagonism toward the 
> Ottoman state's centralizing imperative in the fifteenth century, 
> described in chapter 2, we learn by chapter 6 that the Abdals' 
> cultural approach toward the Ottoman state transitioned to one of 
> respect, cooperation, and deference. Moreover, their religious views 
> and practices had lost their most heterodox and antinomian 
> characteristics. In the intervening chapters, Antov explains how the 
> state implemented (primarily) indirect policies to gradually 
> integrate the region into the state's authority through the 
> Islamization of the space. The regions of Deliorman and Gerlovo were 
> left largely depopulated by a series of attacks by the Cumans in the 
> twelfth century and then again from the revolt of Bedreddin and the 
> crusade of Varna in the fifteenth century that had dramatic 
> demographic consequences. The region became a hotbed for migrants 
> between 1480 and 1570, and the population grew by around twentyfold. 
> These migrants came in two types: voluntary heterodox migrants, 
> primarily Abdals, from the southern Balkans, and forced population 
> transfers of heterodox migrants from Anatolia the Ottoman state 
> feared might support the growing Shi'a Safavid state. The Ottomans 
> supported the repopulation of the region primarily through giving tax 
> privileges that slowly dissolved. Antov theorizes that the region 
> would have appeared as a safe haven for the heterodox dervishes, 
> inland and far enough from the state's reach to appear safe, which 
> likely also made it appear as an ideal place for the state to place 
> these unwieldy groups. 
> 
> Chapter 5 on urban settlement patterns in the Balkans describes the 
> process of the Ottomans' Islamization of space that integrated these 
> centrifugal forces into the Ottoman system. This chapter makes the 
> most interesting and substantive contribution to the historiography. 
> Antov argues that it was the more-or-less indirect relationship 
> between urban patterns and the Ottoman state that tamed the 
> northeastern Balkans into an agrarian and conformist region firmly 
> placed within the politico-administrative framework. Moreover, he 
> shows that attempts to define the "Muslim," "Ottoman," or even 
> "Balkan" city are folly because he can trace four distinct urban city 
> types that developed in the small region of the northeastern Balkans: 
> Hezargrad, a city founded by a pious endowment from an Ottoman 
> bureaucrat that led to dramatic population and Ottoman administrative 
> growth; Shumnu, a pre-Ottoman city that was rebuilt by the Ottomans; 
> Chernovi, a pre-Ottoman city that lost its significance because its 
> location held little commercial or political importance under the new 
> circumstances; and Eski Cuma, a city spontaneously founded by Muslim 
> migrants that grew to a modest size. This chapter is the crux of 
> Antov's general argument, because it was the Ottoman state's direct 
> and indirect impact on the urban environment that tied its 
> inhabitants' interests to those of the state. Hezargrad became the 
> center of Ottoman (and Orthodox Sunni Islamic) authority in the 
> region as the pious foundation funded a mosque, madrasa, and other 
> Islamic institutions. Its population doubled in twenty years, thus 
> becoming a seat of a sort of cultural imperialism, or "seat ... of 
> Ottomanness" (p. 171). State interests drove urban growth indirectly 
> as well. As Antov points out, cities not located in regions that 
> served Ottoman strategic interests, like Chernovi, declined while 
> those that were located in those regions grew, even without Ottoman 
> intervention. As the population of the region grew, and urbanized, it 
> was conditioned into the Ottoman environment as the urban centers 
> became locations of Ottoman authority. 
> 
> In the final chapter, Antov discusses the impact of his argument on 
> the recent attempt by Ottoman historians like Tijana Krstic to apply 
> the concept of confessionalization to the Ottoman case. Antov argues 
> that the Ottoman accommodationist approach in the Balkan frontiers 
> indicates that this model is not applicable, and I think the author 
> makes a persuasive case. But at the same time, in doing so, he seems 
> to question Krstic's underlying argument behind the use of the 
> confessionalization model--that western Eurasian centralizing states 
> experienced a common set of politico-religious problems as well as 
> common responses to them, which has inspired much recent 
> historiographical work--instead of arguing for the distinctiveness of 
> the Ottoman case from Christian Europe. But European historians have 
> leveled the same criticisms of confessionalization as Antov does. 
> While Antov implies that the nature of Ottoman and Western 
> Christendom styles of "confession building" were distinctive, I was 
> struck by the similarities between the Balkan experience Antov 
> describes and the experience Ethan Shagan describes in Reformation 
> England, 1,500 miles away, in _Popular Politics and the English 
> Reformation_ (2003) (pp. 279-80). Nevertheless, while this might seem 
> a rather innocuous debate within Ottomanist historiography, it is one 
> perhaps European historians should consider. The root of the question 
> Ottomanists are posing is important: to what degree was western 
> Eurasia divided by different historical experiences and to what 
> degree was it fundamentally connected? Indeed on this issue, European 
> historiography has (with notable exceptions) simply assumed the 
> former. 
> 
> In the end, Antov has produced an important book on the centralizing 
> process of the Ottoman Empire that will interest historians and 
> graduate students of the Balkans and the Ottoman state. In line with 
> recent historical work that has recast the Ottoman state as an 
> accommodating and flexible empire, Antov demonstrates how these 
> characteristics helped tame the Balkan "Wild West." It would be good 
> reading for anyone interested in state development in early modern 
> Eurasia. 
> 
> Citation: Nathan Michalewicz. Review of Antov, Nikolay, _The Ottoman 
> &quot;Wild West&quot;: The Balkan Frontier in the Fifteenth and 
> Sixteenth Centuries_. H-War, H-Net Reviews. December, 2020.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=53649
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 


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