Revolutionary Reflections | Anti-extractivism and radical politics in Ecuador
by Melissa Moreano Venegas, rs21, Feb. 5
https://www.rs21.org.uk/2021/02/05/revolutionary-reflections-anti-extractivism-and-radical-politics-in-ecuador/

Melissa Moreano Venegas looks at Sunday’s presidential election in
Ecuador through the lens of Thea Riofrancos’ recent analysis of
extractivism and its opponents - Thea Riofrancos, Resource Radicals:
>From Petro-Nationalism to Post-Extractivism in Ecuador (Durham, North
Carolina: Duke University Press, 2020)

On February 7 Ecuador will elect as its new president one of three
candidates: the banker Guillermo Lasso, who represents traditional
right-wing parties; the young economist Andrés Arauz, of former
president Rafael Correa’s political movement and part of the so-called
Latin American ‘pink tide’; or Yaku Pérez, candidate of the indigenous
party. These elections are historic for three reasons:
1) The COVID-19 health crisis has been managed with negligence and
corruption. As in most countries, the pandemic has revealed the deep
contempt of elites for the working class, whom they consider
disposable and replaceable...
2) For the first time in the history of this profoundly racist country
a candidate from the powerful Ecuadorian indigenous movement
(organised around the indigenous organisation CONAIE and its political
arm, Pachakutik), have a very good chance of winning the presidency...
3) The elections also present the possibility of an apparent return of
the so-called ‘pink tide’ in Latin America...
 . . .
Of the three presidential candidates, two present themselves as
left-wing but confront each other with more passion than they confront
the candidate of the right. As mentioned above, the differences arose
at the beginning of Rafael Correa’s government between a left that
stayed with Correa and one that separated from his political project
and now supports an indigenous candidate who is an anti-extraction and
environmental activist. The Ecuadorian elections – much as the
Bolivian elections last year– put a spotlight on the troubled
relationship between the mainstream left and environmental and
indigenous movements.
. . .
The second characteristic Riofrancos identifies in the comprehension
of extractivism that led to the antagonism between the two lefts in
Ecuador rests on the contentious issue of national sovereignty versus
local autonomy... The left in resistance presented indigenous, local
autonomy as opposed to national sovereignty as vital for protecting
peoples and nature from extractivism through the previous
consultation. The left in power, on the other hand, assumed a position
of defence of the national interest, for which extractivism was vital.
The government’s breach of indigenous territorial autonomy to implant
extractive projects led to racist politics, hundreds of indigenous
leaders criminalised and dozens of communities violently evicted. This
authoritarian and violent past is definitely taking its toll on Andrés
Arauz’s chances of winning the elections, and favouring Yaku Pérez.
 . . .
Finally, Riofrancos turns to a third element of extractivism that
affects the global environmental movement itself: its inability to
inspire a mass movement able to build a global politics for fighting
the ecological crisis. In the concluding chapter she questions the
capacity of the left within the anti-extractive movement to mobilise
‘a mass movement of the scale and strength of the anti-neoliberal
popular sector coalition that swept the leftist governments into
office in the first place’ (p. 174). This inability is due in part to
the analysis of extractivism as an autonomous dynamic which explains
everything that is wrong in Latin America, a position held by a myriad
of Latin American anti-extractive activists and intellectuals... So
defined, extractivism is the main enemy to be confronted, while the
goal of fighting capitalism, or even neoliberalism, has been forgotten
or at least postponed. The anticapitalist vocabulary has been
foreclosed also by a misdiagnosis of a ‘really existing socialism’
that was as damaging to the environment as capitalism, a superficially
apolitical stance inside the anti-extractive movement in which both
the right and the left, ‘capitalism and state socialism [exhibit] a
wanton disregard for socio-natural harmony’ (p. 174). In this
panorama, the anti-extraction struggle places post-extractivism as the
final goal, which, according to Riofrancos, leaves local communities
alone fighting both the oil and mining companies and the ‘extractivist
state’. For me, the rejection of the state together with the distrust
of leftist regimes brings the anti-extractive movement closer to
right-wing politics, as it is evident with Yaku Pérez candidacy.
 . . .
This alternative understanding of extractivism would have two effects
on political strategy, and here rests the central contribution of
Riofrancos’ book for us, anti-extraction and climate activists within
the global environmental movement. First, we need to push for the
breaking free from narrow and limited anti-extraction (or carbon
neutral or nature conservation) demands. It is necessary to define an
alternative that does not take as its endpoint a post-extractive
future or the end of fossil fuels dependency but goes beyond and
fights capitalism...

Second, the book shows us that without an anticapitalist political
objective, environmentalism can be easily co-opted by the right, as we
are witnessing today in the Ecuadorian elections...For an ecosocialist
transition, we must think seriously about shifting ownership and
control of the means of production, reorganising the international
division of labour that confines millions of people to the role of
tearing raw materials from the natural world. We must face the
ecological disaster head-on whilst building political projects capable
of understanding sub-national sovereignties and indigenous
self-determination. Those are objectives that any new Latin American
pink tide government must consider once they are back in office.
#


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