VERY IMPORTANT DETAILS about the COVID relief bill ---

the social safety net creates an income floor that forces employers to pay
higher wages --- that was why the Republicans (and too many goddam
economists) attacked the $600 a week unemployment payments last spring and
why the newer version is only $400 -- but the REFUNDABLE child tax credit
increases the floor below which wages can fall even if the minimum wage
isn't increased.   (The earned income tax credit operates in the other
direction by subsidizing low wage work but I think on balance the Child Tax
Credit expansion and making it refundable more than compensates for the
EITC).

---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Portside <[email protected]>
Date: Mon, Feb 15, 2021 at 5:25 AM
Subject: House Ways and Means COVID Relief Bill Includes Critical
Expansions of Child Tax Credit and EITC
To: <[email protected]>


[image: These expansions would result in historic reductions of child
poverty and provide timely income support for millions of people, including
millions of essential workers.] <https://portside.org/>

House Ways and Means COVID Relief Bill Includes Critical Expansions of
Child Tax Credit and EITC
<https://portside.org/2021-02-14/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-child-tax-credit-and>


Chuck Marr, Kris Cox, Stephanie Hingtgen, Katie Windham and Arloc Sherman
February 9, 2021
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child>

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   - <https://portside.org/node/25039/printable/print>

* These expansions would result in historic reductions of child poverty and
provide timely income support for millions of people, including millions of
essential workers. *

,



Two key tax credit provisions in the COVID relief legislation that the
House Ways and Means Committee will consider this week would provide
significant help to those on the fault lines of some of the pandemic’s
worst economic effects. People who have lower incomes, are Black or Latino,
have less than a college education, or work in face-to-face service
occupations have long faced barriers to high-paying jobs and opportunity,
which the pandemic and its economic fallout have widened. The House bill’s
provisions making the full Child Tax Credit available to all children
except those with the highest incomes (sometimes called making the credit
“fully refundable”), and making an expanded Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC)
available to far more low-paid childless workers, would result in historic
reductions of child poverty and provide timely income support for millions
of people, including millions of essential workers.

"These expansions would result in historic reductions of child poverty and
provide timely income support for millions of people, including millions of
essential workers.”
<https://twitter.com/share/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.cbpp.org%2Fresearch%2Ffederal-tax%2Fhouse-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child&text=%22These%20expansions%20would%20result%20in%20historic%20reductions%20of%20child%20poverty%20and%20provide%20timely%20income%20support%20for%20millions%20of%20people%2C%20including%20millions%20of%20essential%20workers.%E2%80%9D%20>

The current Child Tax Credit and EITC together lift more children above the
poverty line, 5.1 million, than any other economic support program. This
level of poverty reduction was achieved through multiple expansions of the
EITC and Child Tax Credit since their respective enactments in 1975 and
1997. The House’s proposal — with one significant change to the Child Tax
Credit — would lift another 4.1 million children above the poverty line,
cutting the remaining number of children in poverty by more than 40
percent. Permanently enacting this historic proposal — along with the EITC
provision which would stop the federal tax code from taxing millions of
childless adults into or deeper into poverty — would be a landmark
achievement and should be an urgent priority once this temporary
legislation is enacted.

These expansions will help many hard hit by the current crisis. Many in
essential jobs have faced a higher risk of infection and death due to their
jobs, while many others lost their jobs or saw their incomes fall due to
pandemic-related closures or reduced hours. Jobs in low-paying industries
were down more than twice as much between February 2020 and January 2021 as
jobs in medium-wage industries and nearly four times as much as in
high-wage industries.[1]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn1>
Due
to employment discrimination and unequal opportunity in education and
housing, among other factors, gaps in unemployment between Black and
Hispanic workers on one hand and white workers on the other widen quickly
in recessions and narrow much more slowly after an economic recovery
begins. Today the Black unemployment rate remains at 9.2 percent and the
Hispanic rate at 8.6 percent, while the white unemployment rate has fallen
back to 5.7 percent.[2]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn2>

The two tax credit expansions, in legislation that the House Ways and Means
Committee will. mark up this week and combine with other committee bills to
form the full relief bill, would do much to alleviate these harmful
effects. They would:

*Make the full Child Tax Credit available to all children except those with
the highest incomes. *Some 27 million children — including roughly half of
all Black and Latino children and a similar share of rural children —
receive less than the current maximum $2,000-per-child tax credit because
their parents earn too little, even as middle- and higher-income families
get the full amount. The proposal would make the full Child Tax Credit
available to children in families with low earnings or that lack earnings
in a year, and it would increase the credit’s maximum amount to $3,000 per
child and $3,600 for children under age 6. It would also extend the credit
to 17-year-olds. The increase in the maximum amount would begin to phase
out for heads of households making $112,500 and married couples making
$150,000. The proposal would lift 4.1 million children above the poverty
line — cutting the number of children in poverty by more than 40 percent.
The proposal also would lift 1.1 million children above half the poverty
line (referred to as “deep poverty”). Black and Latino children in
particular, whom the current credit disproportionately leaves out or leaves
behind, would benefit.

*Make an overdue EITC increase for low-paid working adults not raising
children in the home. *The EITC is a powerful wage subsidy with a glaring
flaw: it largely excludes so-called “childless adults,” providing only a
tiny credit to a very small number of these workers. The House’s relief
bill would fix this flaw at a critical time by raising the maximum EITC for
childless adults from roughly $530 to roughly $1,500, and the income cap
for these adults to qualify from about $16,000 to at least $21,000. It also
would expand the age range of eligible childless workers to include younger
adults aged 19-24 who aren’t full-time students, as well as people aged 65
and over. This would provide timely income support to over 17 million
people who do important work for low pay, including the 5.8 million people
who are currently the lone group that the federal tax code taxes into, or
deeper into, poverty, in large part because their EITC is too low.

Expanded Child Tax Credit *Would Cause Historic Reduction in Child Poverty*

Low-income children, disproportionately children of color, have been
particularly hard hit by the pandemic and its related economic and
educational harms. Between 9 and 12 million children live in a household
where the children didn’t eat enough because the household couldn’t afford
it, according to the most recent Census data.[3]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn3>
Many
of these same children also have a higher risk of losing school instruction
time due to the pandemic; “[l]earning loss will probably be greatest among
low-income, black, and Hispanic students,” one analysis found.[4]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn4>

Raising the incomes of children growing up in poverty through policies such
as the Child Tax Credit can make an important difference in children’s
lives now and in the long term, a congressionally chartered report issued
in 2019 by a National Academy of Sciences’ (NAS) panel on child poverty
explained. “The weight of the causal evidence does indeed indicate that
income poverty itself causes negative child outcomes, especially when
poverty occurs in early childhood or persists throughout a large portion of
childhood,” concluded the panel. The better outcomes that are linked with
stronger income assistance include healthier birthweights, lower maternal
stress (measured by reduced stress hormone levels in the bloodstream),
better childhood nutrition, higher school enrollment, higher reading and
math test scores, higher high school graduation rates, less use of drugs
and alcohol, and higher rates of college entry. The NAS panel devised two
packages of policy proposals aimed at cutting child poverty in half, one of
which included as a centerpiece a $2,700-per-child “child allowance” that
is very similar to the expanded Child Tax Credit proposal under
consideration.[5]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn5>
(The
NAS plan included several other substantial components, including an EITC
expansion, that taken together are larger than the current Child Tax Credit
proposal.)

The House plan’s Child Tax Credit expansion would deliver significant
additional income to low-income children and their families. It would make
the full credit available to 27 million children — including roughly half
of all Black and Latino children and a similar share of children who live
in rural areas — whose families now don’t get the full credit because their
parents lack earnings or have earnings that are too low.[6]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn6>

Among the 4.1 million children whom the expansion would lift above the
poverty line, 1.2 million are Black and 1.7 million are Latino. Of the 9.9
million children it would lift above *or closer to* the poverty line, 2.3
million are Black, 4.1 million are Latino, and 441,000 are Asian American.
[7]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn7>

To see what this can mean to individual families, consider these examples:

   - A single mother of a toddler, who earns $10,000 a year providing
   in-home care to older people (with work hours that fluctuate significantly
   from month to month), now receives a Child Tax Credit of $1,125. Under the
   House plan, she’d receive $3,600, a gain of $2,475.
   - A single mother with a 4-year-old daughter and 8-year-old son, who is
   out of work for the year due to a health condition, now receives no Child
   Tax Credit at all, adding to the family’s financial insecurity. Under the
   House plan, she would receive the full Child Tax Credit of $3,600 for her
   daughter and $3,000 for her son to help with the children’s expenses.

A married couple in which one spouse earns $20,000 as a short-order cook
and the other cares for their 3-year-old son and 7-year-old daughter now
receives a credit of $2,625 — well below the $4,000 credit that a
higher-income family with two children receive. Under the House plan, they
would receive the full Child Tax Credit of $3,600 for their son and $3,000
for their daughter, or a family gain of $3,975.

The Child Tax Credit expansion would provide important help to people in a
myriad of jobs that pay little and often have fluctuating schedules,
including people caring for the elderly, driving buses, cooking and serving
meals, and doing many other kinds of important work. (See Table 1.) These
occupations are also not conducive to remote work, raising people’s risk of
infection during the current crisis.

An estimated 65.7 million children would receive a larger Child Tax Credit
under the expansion, delivering economic support to large numbers of
children in every state. (See Appendix Table 1 for state-by-state
estimates.)

*================================================================================================*

Protect Families With Low Incomes From Repaying Large Amounts They Receive
in Advance

The House Ways and Means proposal would provide families with advance
payments of their Child Tax Credit for tax year 2021. Between July and
December 2021, these advance payments would be provided monthly (or perhaps
less frequently, if the IRS has implementation challenges) to the tax filer
who claimed the child on a previous year tax return (2020 or, if not
available, 2019).

One drawback to providing families with advance payments of their Child Tax
Credit is that when tax filers submit their tax return for the year in
which they received advance payments, they could end up ineligible for
those payments. While changes in income could affect the amount of the
credit someone is eligible for, the more significant issue will arise when
a child who lived with the tax filer in the prior year does not live with
that same tax filer in the year for which the advance payments were made.
For example, a child’s father may have claimed the child in the prior year
(2020) but the child may live with her mother in 2021. In this case, the
father may receive advance payments for the 2021 Child Tax Credit but then
learn that he is ineligible for the tax credit when he files his 2021 tax
return because the child did not live with him this year. Without
appropriate safeguards, low-income tax filers in this situation could owe
large amounts to the IRS to repay the federal government for advance
payments they received.

More than 3 million children in any given year live with a different adult
than they lived with the prior year, we estimate using longitudinal Census
data, and a large share have modest incomes.a The Ways and Means Committee
has created some important safeguards to protect these low-income tax
filers who receive advance payments and are later found ineligible,
limiting the extent to which they will have to repay the federal
government. Under the legislation, single individuals with incomes below
$40,000, heads of households with incomes below $50,000, and married
couples with incomes below $60,000 would not have to repay amounts received
in advance. And for those with incomes above these thresholds, the amount
they have to repay would phase in, though the repayments could be
significant for some households. A single individual with income of $55,000
who received $1,500 in advance payments for a child who no longer lives
with them would owe back $250, and if the tax filer’s income were $60,000,
they would owe back $500. (A tax filer would owe these amounts back to the
IRS even if they spent the advance payment toward care for the child.)
These safeguards will mean that a large share of those who would be at risk
for owing money back will either not be required to repay the advance
payments or will only have to repay a partial amount.

The bill also provides a mechanism for families to opt out of the advance
payment, but it is likely that many tax filers will not understand the
provision or mechanism for opting out well enough to know if they should
exercise this option.

For a temporary provision that the federal government must implement
quickly, it is arguable that repayment should not be required at all. Both
rounds of stimulus payments took this approach — the payments were based on
prior-year information and if a tax filer received more than they would
have based on their current circumstances, they were not required to repay
the amounts. In a temporary provision where advance payments are sent
automatically, families are unlikely to understand that such a credit is an
advance on their tax return, and they may owe money back upon filing their
taxes next year.

If repayment is required, the safeguards that Ways and Means put in place
are a good start. They could be strengthened by phasing in repayment more
slowly and not requiring repayment if the child lived with the tax filer
for part of the year (but less than the six months required to be eligible
for the credit).

Most importantly, in a permanently expanded Child Tax Credit that allows
advance payments, further steps will be needed to reduce the number of
people who receive advance payments and then are found ineligible for the
credit and to ensure that those who are in this situation are not asked to
repay amounts they cannot afford.

a CBPP calculation based on Census’ Survey of Income and Program
Participation data for children who changed parents between 2013 and 2014.

*================================================================================================*

A Meaningful EITC for Childless Adults

The House plan would expand the EITC for over 17 million adults not raising
children at home who work hard at important, but low-paid, jobs. The EITC
is a highly successful wage subsidy that’s earned bipartisan support over
the years, but the current credit largely excludes adults who aren’t
raising children in their homes, and it completely excludes young childless
adults trying to gain a toehold in the labor market.

Adults not raising children are the lone group that the federal tax code
actually taxes into, or deeper into, poverty, partly because their EITC is
so meager. Some 5.8 childless adults aged 19-65 — including 1.5 million
Latino and over 1 million Black childless adults — are taxed into or deeper
into poverty.[8]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn8>

The proposal would raise the maximum EITC for childless adults from roughly
$530 to roughly $1,500 and raise the income limit to qualify for the
childless workers’ EITC from about $16,000 to at least $21,000.[9]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn9>
It
also would expand the age range of childless workers eligible for the tax
credit to include younger adults aged 19-24 who aren’t full-time students,
as well as people 65 and over.

To see how this would benefit these workers, consider a 25-year-old single
woman who works roughly 30 hours a week throughout the year as a cashier at
a convenience store and earns about $9 an hour. Her annual earnings of
$13,700 are just above the poverty line of $13,621 for a single individual.
But federal taxes push her into poverty:

   - Some $1,048 — 7.65 percent of her earnings — is withheld from her
   paychecks for Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes.
   - When filing income taxes, she can claim the $12,400 standard
   deduction, which leaves her with $1,300 in taxable income. Since she is in
   the 10 percent tax bracket, she owes $130 in federal income tax.
   - Thus, her combined federal income and payroll tax liability, not
   counting the EITC, is $1,178. She gets a small EITC of $160, so her net
   federal income and payroll tax liability is $1,018.
   - In other words, her earnings were just above the poverty line, but
   federal taxes push her income about $940 *below* the poverty line.
   - Under the House plan, her EITC would grow to $1,145, raising her
   income after federal income and payroll taxes to $46 *above* the poverty
   line.

All told, the House Ways and Means proposal would benefit 17.4 million
working childless adults across the country, including 4.0 million Latino,
3.0 million Black, and 746,000 Asian American childless adults.[10]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftn10>
(See
Appendix Table 2 for state-by-state numbers.)

The top occupations that would benefit include cashiers, food preparers and
servers, and home health aides. (See Table 2.) The pandemic has helped the
nation better understand and appreciate these workers and millions of
others who work for low pay and the essential role they play in keeping
this economy running, even while they often lack benefits that many other
workers take for granted, such as paid sick days. They deserve more than
the meager EITC in current law, and the House’s relief proposal would
provide concrete, meaningful help.

End Notes

[1]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref1>
Chad
Stone, “Jobs Recovery Still Long Way Off, Especially for Low-Wage Workers
and Workers of Color,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, February 5,
2021,
https://www.cbpp.org/blog/jobs-recovery-still-long-way-off-especially-for-low-wage-workers-and-workers-of-color
.

[2]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref2>
 *Ibid.*

[3]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref3>
Center
on Budget and Policy Priorities, “Tracking the COVID-19 Recession’s Effects
on Food, Housing, and Employment Hardships,” updated January 28, 2021,
https://www.cbpp.org/research/poverty-and-inequality/tracking-the-covid-19-recessions-effects-on-food-housing-and
.

[4]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref4>
Emma
Dorn, “COVID-19 and student learning in the United States: The hurt could
last a lifetime,” McKinsey & Co., June 1, 2020,
https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/public-and-social-sector/our-insights/covid-19-and-student-learning-in-the-united-states-the-hurt-could-last-a-lifetime#
<https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/public-and-social-sector/our-insights/covid-19-and-student-learning-in-the-united-states-the-hurt-could-last-a-lifetime>
.

[5]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref5>
National
Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, *A Roadmap to Reducing
Child Poverty,* National Academies Press, 2019,
https://www.nap.edu/read/25246.

[6]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref6>
Senator
Mitt Romney proposed a similar expansion in the Child Tax Credit, making it
fully available to all low-income children and increasing the amount from
$2,000 to $3,000 for children between ages 6 and 17 and to $4,200 for
children under 6. The major differences between the temporary House plan
and the permanent Romney plan are that the Romney plan provides the
increase to families with much higher incomes, beginning to phase out for
married couples making $400,000, and that it pays for the proposal with
sharp cuts in other income support programs for low-income families,
including a 65 percent cut in the EITC and the elimination of the Temporary
Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) block grant. States use TANF to
provide income assistance to 1.1 million families with children who have
very low incomes and fund a set of other services, including child care,
transportation assistance, and services for children at risk of being
removed to foster care and their families.

[7]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref7>
Racial
and ethnic categories do not overlap. Figures for each racial group such as
Black or Asian American do not include individuals who identify as people
of Latino ethnicity. Latino includes all people of Hispanic, Latino, or
Spanish origin regardless of race. Figures for children who identify as
AIAN alone are not shown because of concerns about sample size and data
reliability and because limiting the figures to a single race and ethnicity
has particularly strong implications for the estimated size of the AIAN
population. Among the roughly 2,050,000 children who identify as AIAN alone
or in combination, regardless of Latino ethnicity, 344,000 (17 percent)
would be lifted above or closer to the poverty line by the House’s Child
Tax Credit expansion. Following the mutually exclusive approach used for
other racial and ethnic groups, about 684,000 children identify as AIAN
alone, not Latino, and 111,000 (16 percent) of them would be lifted above
or closer to the poverty line by the House’s Child Tax Credit expansion.

CBPP estimates based on U.S. Census Bureau’s March 2019 Current Population
Survey, using 2020 tax parameters and incomes adjusted to 2020 dollars.
These calculations use the Supplemental Poverty Measure, which counts more
forms of income than the “official” poverty measure (among other
differences).

[8]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref8>
This
estimate excludes full-time students aged 19-23, who under current law can
be claimed by their parents as qualifying children for the larger EITC for
families with children.

[9]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref9>
Senator
Mitt Romney proposed to significantly reduce the EITC for families with
children while expanding the EITC for childless adults. His proposal would
raise the maximum EITC for childless adults from roughly $530 to $1,000 for
a single filer and $2,000 for a married couple, and raise the income limit
to qualify for the childless workers’ EITC for a single filer from about
$16,000 to $17,000 and for a married couple from about $22,000 to $34,000.
His proposal also increases the phase-in and phase-out rates for the credit.

[10]
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child#_ftnref10>
Racial
and ethnic categories do not overlap. Figures for each racial group such as
Black or Asian American do not include individuals who identify as people
of Latino ethnicity. Latino includes all people of Hispanic, Latino, or
Spanish origin regardless of race. Figures for childless workers who
identify as AIAN alone are not shown because of concerns about sample size
and data reliability and because limiting the figures to a single race and
ethnicity has particularly strong implications for the estimated size of
the AIAN population. Among the roughly 1.8 million childless workers aged
19 and over (excluding full-time students aged 19-24) who identify as AIAN
alone or in combination, regardless of Latino ethnicity, 485,000 (26
percent) would benefit from the House’s EITC expansion for such workers.
Following the mutually exclusive approach used for other racial and ethnic
groups, about 676,000 childless workers aged 19 and over (excluding
full-time students aged 19-24) identify as AIAN alone, not Latino, and
186,000 (27 percent) of them would benefit from the House’s EITC expansion
for such workers.

*Chuck Marr <https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/chuck-marr>*

Areas of Expertise

Federal Budget <https://www.cbpp.org/research/topics/federal-budget>

Federal Tax <https://www.cbpp.org/research/topics/federal-tax>

Recent Work:

   -

   House Ways and Means COVID Relief Bill Includes Critical Expansions of
   Child Tax Credit and EITC
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child>
   -

   Biden-Harris Child Tax Credit Expansion Would Lift 10 Million Children
   Above or Closer to Poverty Line
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/blog/biden-harris-child-tax-credit-expansion-would-lift-10-million-children-above-or-closer-to>
   -

   President-Elect’s Plan Includes Vital EITC Increase for Adults Not
   Raising Children
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/blog/president-elects-plan-includes-vital-eitc-increase-for-adults-not-raising-children>

*Kris Cox <https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/kris-cox>*

Areas of Expertise

Federal Tax <https://www.cbpp.org/research/topics/federal-tax>

Working Family Tax Credits
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/topics/working-family-tax-credits>

Recent Work:

   -

   House Ways and Means COVID Relief Bill Includes Critical Expansions of
   Child Tax Credit and EITC
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child>
   -

   A Frayed and Fragmented System of Supports for Low-Income Adults Without
   Minor Children
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/poverty-and-inequality/a-frayed-and-fragmented-system-of-supports-for-low-income-adults>
   -

   Aggressive State Outreach Can Help Reach the 12 Million Non-Filers
   Eligible for Stimulus Payments
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/aggressive-state-outreach-can-help-reach-the-12-million-non-filers-eligible>

*Stephanie Hingtgen
<https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/stephanie-hingtgen>*

Recent Work:

   -

   House Ways and Means COVID Relief Bill Includes Critical Expansions of
   Child Tax Credit and EITC
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child>
   -

   Gaps in Economic Support for Non-Elderly Adults Without Children
   Continue to Leave Millions in Poverty, Data Show
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/poverty-and-inequality/gaps-in-economic-support-for-non-elderly-adults-without-children>
   -

   A Frayed and Fragmented System of Supports for Low-Income Adults Without
   Minor Children
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/poverty-and-inequality/a-frayed-and-fragmented-system-of-supports-for-low-income-adults>

*Katie Windham <https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/katie-windham>*

Recent Work:

   -

   House Ways and Means COVID Relief Bill Includes Critical Expansions of
   Child Tax Credit and EITC
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child>
   -

   Needs of Younger Generations Argue for Further Fiscal Relief and Stimulus
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/economy/needs-of-younger-generations-argue-for-further-fiscal-relief-and-stimulus>
   -

   Expanding Child Tax Credit and Earned Income Tax Credit Would Benefit
   More Than 10 Million Rural Residents, Strongly Help Rural Areas
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/expanding-child-tax-credit-and-earned-income-tax-credit-would-benefit-more>

*Arloc Sherman <https://www.cbpp.org/about/our-staff/arloc-sherman>*

Areas of Expertise

Poverty and Inequality
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/topics/poverty-and-inequality>

Family Income Support
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/topics/family-income-support>

Recent Work:

   -

   House Ways and Means COVID Relief Bill Includes Critical Expansions of
   Child Tax Credit and EITC
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/federal-tax/house-ways-and-means-covid-relief-bill-includes-critical-expansions-of-child>
   -

   New Data on Hardship Underscore Continued Need for Substantial COVID
   Relief
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/poverty-and-inequality/new-data-on-hardship-underscore-continued-need-for-substantial>
   -

   Weakening Economy, Widespread Hardship Show Urgent Need for Further
   Relief
   
<https://www.cbpp.org/research/economy/weakening-economy-widespread-hardship-show-urgent-need-for-further-relief>


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