Best regards, Andrew Stewart
Begin forwarded message: > From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]> > Date: March 12, 2021 at 1:28:47 PM EST > To: [email protected] > Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]> > Subject: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]: Schmidt on Polgar, 'Standard-Bearers > of Equality: America's First Abolition Movement' > Reply-To: [email protected] > > Paul J. Polgar. Standard-Bearers of Equality: America's First > Abolition Movement. Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press, > 2019. 352 pp. $39.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4696-5393-8. > > Reviewed by Kelly Schmidt (Loyola University of Chicago) > Published on H-Nationalism (March, 2021) > Commissioned by Evan C. Rothera > > Paul J. Polgar's Standard Bearers of Equality draws upon the records > of abolition societies in the mid-Atlantic, namely those of the > Pennsylvania Abolition Society (PAS) and the New York Manumission > Society (NYMS) to examine what he describes as "America's first > abolition movement" during the post-Revolutionary and early national > periods. Polgar argues that "first movement abolitionism," as he > calls it, was a progressive series of organized and systematic > reforms which advocated freedom and full equality for Black citizens, > taking an evolving, gradualist approach to meet the obstacles to > freedom and Black incorporation they found within society. > > In the introduction and conclusion, Polgar insists that the > movement's redefinition in historical memory has led scholars to > critique the limitations of first movement abolitionism's gradual > emancipation stance because it has been measured against the > immediate abolition movement spearheaded by William Lloyd Garrison in > the 1830s. Such interpretive shifts began with Garrison himself, who > created a "dichotomy of antislavery activism that submerged the > racially progressive roots of the first movement abolitionism" by > arguing that the gradual abolition approach of the colonization > movement catered to slaveholders, did not effectively challenge white > prejudice, and perpetuated the subordination of Black Americans in > failing to confront the immorality of slaveholding directly (p. 318). > Polgar asserts that by the time Garrison made this claim, > colonization had begun to overshadow the objectives of first movement > abolitionism. In subsequent historical scholarship, the "implicit use > of immediate emancipation and unconditional black equality as a > historical measuring stick has concealed the underlying philosophy > that animated first movement abolitionism," treating it as > "inherently conservative" and inhibiting to enslaved people (pp. > 8-9). The recovery of first movement abolitionism, Polgar argues, > pushes the origins of abolition movements in the United States to an > earlier date and distinguishes the first abolition movement from the > impetus for colonization that arose in the 1820s, showing the > persistence of first abolitionism reform projects in a manner that > demonstrates the continuity rather than disruption of abolitionist > tradition. Consequently, the immediate abolition movement inherited > its basic tenets from this first movement, rather than being a "novel > break," thus making colonization the real departure from antislavery > trends (p. 15). > > Recent scholarship on abolitionism has emphasized how African > Americans pursued their own freedom and asserted equality. Though his > work primarily examines the philosophy and efforts of white-led > abolition societies, Polgar importantly discusses how the societies > worked in partnership with Black Americans, with both informing one > another's work. Indeed, he asserts, "Questioning the objectives and > minimizing the activism of the abolition societies is in part > possible because the magnitude of black participation in America's > first abolition movement, and the imperative part people of color > played in it, have yet to be fully recognized" (p. 10). Polgar seeks > to refute scholars who have separated Black abolitionism from the > work of abolition societies. In so doing, he joins the chorus of > Manisha Sinha, Julie Winch, Nicholas P. Wood, Gary B. Nash, and > others who have demonstrated that early antislavery activism was > interracial, though he does not focus as heavily on Black > abolitionism as some of these scholars, as well as Richard S. Newman, > Patrick Rael, Ousmane K. Power-Greene, and James O. and Lois E. > Horton. > > Chapter 1 traces the contours of the development of a formal and > widespread abolition effort. As the Revolutionary era brought chattel > slavery's incongruence with the era's calls for liberty the fore, > antislavery petitions "helped make slavery a political issue, > prodding the Revolutionary generation to address the quandary of > human bondage" by using the ideals of republicanism to argue for > Black freedom (p. 33). Polgar discusses the "near century-long > struggle" of Quakers to eradicate slavery within their sect, arguing > that their effort "foreshadows themes that would eventually compose > key elements of the first abolition movement in the United States," > with Quakers optimistic that abolition could steadily be achieved > nationally as it had been among members of their faith (p. 52). > Polgar describes the PAS and NYMS as the two most influential of the > abolition societies that formed in the 1770s. As New York City and > Philadelphia became popular destinations for free African Americans > migrating north by 1810, the societies partnered with Black leaders. > They also helped form corresponding societies in New Jersey and > Delaware as others developed from New England to the upper South, and > from there, sought a national coalition of abolition societies that > took shape as the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of > Slavery and Improving the Condition of the African Race, which met > from 1794 until 1837. While Polgar speaks contextually of societies > in Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Washington, DC, > and Maryland throughout this work, his primary focus is on those in > New York and Philadelphia, which perhaps narrows the basis for some > of his claims. > > In chapter 2, Polgar mines the minutes of the PAS and NYMS to > understand "the inner workings of first movement abolitionism," > demonstrating that "with enslaved and free blacks often serving as > guides, the NYMS and PAS persuaded state legislatures to pass an > evolving set of statutes limiting the rights of slaveholders while > enlarging those of blacks" (pp. 78, 82). Abolition societies formed > acting and standing committees that "enforced laws curbing > institutional slavery and acted as agents for blacks seeking redress > from illegal enslavement and other attempts to control their freedom" > (p. 77). Members advertised to African Americans to bring cases of > wrongful enslavement to them and scoured the streets to aid people > with cases and confront violations of the law and the kidnapping of > free people into slavery. Simultaneously, free Black middle-class > entrepreneurs and clergymen such as James Forten, Richard Allen, > Absalom Jones, and Peter Williams Jr. began cultivating virtuous > communities of color to prove Black Americans' capability to use > their freedom as upstanding citizens in the new republic. Although > mid-Atlantic abolition societies did not include Black members, > Polgar writes that "the alliance of people of color in the > mid-Atlantic looking to secure or maintain their freedom and the > acting and standing committees forms a constitutive element of first > movement abolitionism" (p. 82). Through communication networks formed > of Black churches, mutual relief societies, and taverns and dance > halls, Polgar writes, people of color knew they could turn to these > committees as a resource without a white person serving as an > intermediary. Individuals who found their freedom threatened worked > with abolition societies to prove their cases and endeavor to > surmount social and economic factors that hindered them in freedom. > Successes at enacting and enforcing gradual abolition in the > mid-Atlantic encouraged members of the movement to pursue broader > reform efforts. > > Mid-Atlantic abolition societies recognized, according to Polgar, > that enacting and enforcing gradual emancipation laws and > safeguarding African Americans' rights would not be enough to achieve > full freedom for Black Americans. Therefore, chapters 3 and 4 delve > into the dual goals of first movement abolitionism to promote Black > citizenship by crafting virtuous communities of Black republicans > while combatting white racial prejudices. Mid-Atlantic abolition > societies and free Black allies crafted a reform program based on > societal environmentalism to eradicate notions that formerly enslaved > people were not suited to the virtuous republican citizenship that > was critical to maintaining representative government. Arguing that > degrading environments of slavery and socioeconomic class, not race, > had curtailed Black Americans' ability to fully exercise their > liberty as morally upstanding, contributing citizens, abolition > societies and free communities of color invested in educational and > social welfare institutions to provide "socioeconomic uplift" for > free Black northerners, spreading their "strategy of African American > uplift to fight white prejudice" among the churches, mutual aid > societies, and other establishments within developing Black > communities (p. 185). Polgar writes that the "American Convention's > efforts to enlighten the white mind against prejudice went in tandem > with preparing black Americans for proper exercise of freedom" (p. > 189). As they crafted Black exemplars of ideal citizenship, the > abolition and mutual aid societies turned to print media, issuing > pamphlets, sermons, poetry, and other literature to combat prejudice > alongside the examples embodied in free Black citizens--the primary > materials that supplement society minutes in Polgar's work. > > Here and elsewhere, Polgar crucially acknowledges the paternalism of > these organizations of elite white men advising Black communities how > to act and monitoring their behavior. But he points out that Black > leaders such as Allen and Jones, who founded the Free African > Society, engaged in the same practices and actively promulgated the > same vision of inclusion, as did the founders of the New York African > Society for Mutual Relief and two other Black-led mutual aid > societies who likewise provided communal funds for distress and > demanded strict codes of behavior from the people they aided. At > times, Polgar's attempts to explain the limitations of white-led > abolition societies reads more as a defense or apologetic in the > interest of his goal to restore the accomplishments of first movement > abolitionism from historical obscurity and the criticism it received > when demands for immediate emancipation took hold. However, his > explanations do prove helpful in upholding why first movement > abolitionists saw gradual abolition as the most efficacious way to > not only end slavery, but also to create a racially inclusive society > by building support from white northerners and southerners wary of > their cause and preparing free African Americans to fully exercise > their freedom and citizenship. > > In chapter 5, Polgar describes the origins of colonization as a > proposed solution to slavery and Black inequality and how the > American Colonization Society (ACS) arose as a contender to the > principles of first movement abolitionism in the 1820s. The growth > and spread of chattel slavery made southerners less interested in > emancipating bondspeople. White upper southerners, who saw > colonization as a concession to encourage emancipations while > reducing fears of an uprising led by a majority African American > population, dominated the ACS at its founding in 1816. Increasingly, > many white northerners grew derisive of the mounting number of > recently emancipated migrants to northern cities who, finding limited > opportunities and targeted by competing white wage-laborers, turned > to public support or petty theft, thus augmenting the prejudices of > white northerners who believed African Americans were perpetuating > issues benevolent societies sought to reform. Those who espoused > colonization came to see white prejudice and Black degradation as > permanent. To them, the only way Black Americans could live free from > the inequality they experienced in the United States was to leave it. > As northern legislatures began barring Black migration into their > states and disfranchising Black citizens, the ACS appealed to > northern reformers by proclaiming that uplift and emancipation could > be achieved by settling free African Americans in a place where they > would be free from prejudice while allaying white fears. In so doing, > Polgar writes, "colonizationists ignored the communities of > republicans of color that both free black activists of New York and > Pennsylvania and the abolition societies had worked hard to foster" > (p. 253). > > How these communities of color and their abolition society allies > responded to the colonization trend is the focus of much of the next > chapter. Black citizens in the North gathered to discuss their views > on colonization, and while white proponents of colonization were able > to convince some leaders, such as Allen and Forten, that colonization > had potential merits, most of those who gathered declared their > opposition to colonization. Hearing of these assemblies, the > Abolition Convention inquired about learning from the views that had > been expressed and incorporating them into their own practice. While > some Black leaders had already encouraged emigration to such places > as Sierra Leone and Haiti, some sharing a contingent of white > colonizationists' view that Northern Black people could bring > civilization, education, and Christianity to Africa, Polgar, like > Power-Green, distinguishes emigration from colonization and explains > that "black support for emigration abroad and the desire of northern > people of color to fight for freedom and equality at home were not > mutually exclusive," as was the case for white colonizationists, who > viewed relocation as a means to encourage the abolition of slavery > (p. 263). In trying to craft a national agenda that would hold the > upper South membership it was losing to colonization, the American > Convention fragmented between those who saw colonization as a viable, > pragmatic option to achieve abolition within a society deeply > entrenched in racial prejudice and those who stalwartly adhered to > first movement principles. "The emergence of colonization onto the > agenda of the abolition societies," Polgar writes, "was indicative of > a shift in the locus of antislavery reform from the mid-Atlantic to > the South and Southwest" (p. 281). Black activists in the > mid-Atlantic, meanwhile, "launched a public campaign to combat the > ACS's reform doctrine, a campaign grounded in first movement > abolitionist values," by continuing its approach of reform, fighting > white prejudice, and uplifting free Black Americans as the sole way > to end slavery and racial inequity. To further these views, > representatives of a "growing network of northern free black > community leaders who directed churches, benevolent societies, and > mutual relief organizations" founded _Freedom's Journal_, edited by > Samuel Cornish, which encouraged Black communities to collectively > display public virtue and "use their own lives to knock down white > prejudice" (pp. 310, 313). > > Ultimately, Garrison's demand for immediate abolition eclipsed first > movement abolitionism and, as Polgar puts it, erroneously "concealed > the original meaning of gradualism as understood by first movement > abolitionists" (p. 319). As colonizationists' association of > gradualism with removal grew louder in response to immediatism, the > "vision of reform set out by gradual abolition's original advocates," > which centered Black incorporation into US civil society, was > shrouded (p. 320). Polgar argues that the first movement's values, > vision, and organization influenced immediate abolitionists and lived > on in the Colored Conventions movement, the efforts of Radical > Republicans in Reconstruction, and in twentieth-century civil rights > activism, though Polgar does not demonstrate these later thematic > parallels in depth. > > Polgar successfully uncovers the aims and efforts of an earlier > abolition movement whose significance was obscured by the push for > immediate abolition. In so doing, he exhibits white abolition > societies' collaboration with free Black men in crafting and > implementing their goals. Nevertheless, the work often appears to > sideline Black American leadership by privileging the role white > abolition societies played in first movement abolitionism and in > paving the way for subsequent antislavery efforts. Polgar's attention > to Black-led abolition work sometimes reads as a tack-on, and at > times their efforts and collaboration with white abolition societies > could be more strongly demonstrated.[1] Polgar hits his stride in > this respect when, in his concluding chapter, he describes how Black > Americans carried on the first movement's principles of abolition and > civic inclusion while white leaders in the American Convention > splintered in their contestation over colonization. > > Women are largely absent from this account, other than as occasional > examples of people who appealed to mutual aid and abolition societies > for relief or assistance in proving their freedom. While from the > vantage point of white abolition and Black mutual aid societies, > which did not include women as members, the movement _was_ > male-dominated, Polgar does not discuss what role women played in > furthering the aims of first movement abolitionism, nor does he > acknowledge or explain their absence, as he does with other aspects > of his subject. He misses opportunities where, at the very least, he > could name women, as when he mentions that Absalom Jones "married an > enslaved woman and talked her owner into letting him buy her > freedom," referring to Mary King by her gender and status rather than > by her name (p. 66). > > All in all, _Standard Bearers of Equality_ accomplishes Polgar's > claim to restore the importance of first movement abolitionism within > the history of antislavery activism. It is worth a read by anyone > seeking to understand how an organized abolition movement emerged in > the United States and how this movement envisioned and enacted its > goals in response to the forces it encountered. > > Note > > [1]. Several works on how enslaved people brought cases for their > freedom to the courts of Washington, DC and St. Louis more > effectively privilege Black American freedom-seeking networks as they > drew upon kin and community and sought legal knowledge and assistance > from white lawyers and abolitionists: William G. Thomas, III, _A > Question of Freedom: The Families Who Challenged Slavery from the > Nation's Founding to the Civil War_ (New Haven, CT: Yale University > Press, 2020); Kelly M. Kennington, _In the Shadow of Dred Scott: St. > Louis Freedom Suits and the Legal Culture of Slavery in Antebellum > America_ (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2017); Anne Twitty, > _Before Dred Scott: Slavery and Legal Culture in the American > Confluence, 1787-1857_ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018); > Lea VanderVelde, _Redemption Songs: Suing for Freedom before Dred > Scott_, 2014. > > Citation: Kelly Schmidt. Review of Polgar, Paul J., _Standard-Bearers > of Equality: America's First Abolition Movement_. H-Nationalism, > H-Net Reviews. March, 2021. > URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55555 > > This work is licensed under a Creative Commons > Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States > License. > > -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group. View/Reply Online (#7219): https://groups.io/g/marxmail/message/7219 Mute This Topic: https://groups.io/mt/81287336/21656 -=-=- POSTING RULES & NOTES #1 YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message. #2 This mail-list, like most, is publicly & permanently archived. #3 Subscribe and post under an alias if #2 is a concern. -=-=- Group Owner: [email protected] Unsubscribe: https://groups.io/g/marxmail/leave/8674936/21656/1316126222/xyzzy [[email protected]] -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
