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Andrew Stewart

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> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: March 21, 2021 at 1:17:24 PM EDT
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Nationalism]:  Hill on Hopkins, 'American Empire: A 
> Global History'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> A. G. Hopkins.  American Empire: A Global History.  America in the 
> World Series. Princeton  Princeton University Press, 2018.
> Illustrations, tables, maps. 1,008 pp.  $27.95 (e-book), ISBN 
> 978-1-4008-8835-1; $27.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-691-19687-9; $39.95 
> (cloth), ISBN 978-0-691-17705-2.
> 
> Reviewed by Michael A. Hill (University of Kansas)
> Published on H-Nationalism (March, 2021)
> Commissioned by Evan C. Rothera
> 
> The field of American Empire is littered with studies of specific 
> imperial genres, places, and peoples, but few scholars have had the 
> audacity to attempt to produce a synthetic work exploring the 
> totality of American Empire. Even fewer have attempted to place such 
> a study in a global context. A. G. Hopkins, the noted historian of 
> British Empire, has done both in American Empire: A Global History. 
> In a sweeping history covering more than three hundred years, Hopkins 
> argues that while the United States is unique, as are all countries, 
> it is not exceptional. American history conforms to the broader swath 
> of imperial history, especially imperial European history, of the 
> past three centuries. 
> 
> Hopkins breaks the history of American Empire, which is merely a part 
> of the larger project of globalization, into three phases, each of 
> which was punctuated by a crisis that inaugurated the next phase. The 
> first phase of American Empire that Hopkins identifies is the 
> American colonial period, when the future United States remained a 
> collection of British colonies on the North American mainland. The 
> successful prosecution of the American Revolution inaugurated the 
> second phase of American Empire, which lasted until 1898 and the 
> Spanish-Cuban-American War. Hopkins argues that during much of this 
> period, at least until the end of the US Civil War, Great Britain 
> actually exercised structural power over the United States by means 
> of its tremendous economic power. Britain's power was nonexploitative 
> but real nonetheless. The Civil War weakened Britain's grip and 
> encouraged the growth of industrialization, nation building, and 
> independence. Thus, writes Hopkins, the United States became one of 
> the world's earliest examples of successful decolonization. The 
> Spanish-Cuban-American War ushered in the next phase of American 
> Empire, during which the United States established an overseas empire 
> in the Caribbean and Pacific. Changes in the character of 
> globalization after World War II inspired waves of decolonization 
> around the globe and effectively brought the United States' 
> territorial empire to an end. 
> 
> According to Hopkins, each of these phases corresponds to roughly 
> equal imperial phases in Europe. The American Revolution was merely 
> one of many challenges to Europe's military-fiscal states during the 
> final decades of the eighteenth century. After 1865, the United 
> States' efforts to build a national-industrial state, which 
> encouraged militant imperialism, matched those of many European 
> states, including Britain, Germany, France, and Italy. After 1898, 
> the United States managed its insular empire in a manner that 
> resembled the strategies and tactics of its European peers. And 
> finally, decolonization after World War II brought the US Empire to 
> an end at the same time as the remaining European empires. 
> 
> American Empire is a tour de force. Hopkins builds on more than forty 
> years of professional historical experience to deliver a work that 
> can only be described as exceptional. In particular, Hopkins combines 
> a career's worth of British and African imperial knowledge with over 
> a decade of reading what feels like nearly everything ever written 
> about US Empire (with one important thematic exception, which this 
> review addresses below). The depth and breadth of Hopkins's knowledge 
> is truly daunting. 
> 
> Nonetheless, there are quibbles to be had. The first, and probably 
> most obvious, is the book's sheer size. Checking in at over one 
> thousand pages (including notes), the length of American Empire can 
> be overwhelming. There is literally an intermission halfway through. 
> The book could probably be half its current size and make its 
> argument just as effectively. While one appreciates Hopkins's goal of 
> placing US Empire within a global context, the argument gets lost at 
> times for nearly entire chapters (such as chapter 4), some of which 
> focus too exclusively on the global situation rather than on how the 
> United States fit within that context. Additionally, one wonders if 
> it should take nearly four hundred pages to arrive at the time when 
> the United States actually becomes an empire, according to Hopkins, 
> in a book titled American Empire. 
> 
> Which leads to Hopkins's arguments: his claim that the United States 
> was not an empire prior to 1898 is far from novel. Neither is his 
> argument that it took the Civil War to bring the United States 
> together as a truly unified nation-state. What is more unique and 
> more interesting is Hopkins's argument that the United States failed
> to gain full independence until after the Civil War. Scholars like 
> Jay Sexton, in Debtor Diplomacy: Finance and American Foreign 
> Relations in the Civil War Era 1837-1873 (2005), have previously 
> drawn attention to the economic influence of British capital in the 
> United States prior to the Civil War, but none have claimed that 
> influence amounted to a lack of American political independence. 
> Interestingly, Hopkins compares the subsidiary relationship of the 
> United States to Great Britain during the first half of the 
> nineteenth century to similar relationships between decolonizing 
> Asian and African countries to their former colonial masters during 
> the twentieth century. The comparison is, at times, quite convincing 
> but ultimately fails to take account of the United States' 
> relationship with North American Indigenous peoples. 
> 
> Hopkins's rejection of US Empire prior to 1898 needs more explication 
> in light of the research of the last two decades arguing that 
> American westward expansion amounted to continental empire. Beginning 
> with historians like Gerald Nash (The American West Transformed: The 
> Impact of the Second World War [1985]) and Patricia Limerick (The 
> Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West [1987]), 
> carrying through the works of scholars like Margaret Jacobs (White 
> Mother to a Dark Race: Settler Colonialism, Maternalism, and the 
> Removal of Indigenous Children in the American West and Australia, 
> 1880-1940 [2010]) and Anne Hyde (Empires, Nations, and Families: A 
> New History of the North American West, 1800-1860 [2011]), to studies 
> by historians like Andrew Torget (Seeds of Empire: Cotton, Slavery, 
> and the Transformation of the Texas Borderlands, 1800-1850 [2015]) 
> and William Kiser (Coast-to-Coast Empire: Manifest Destiny and the 
> New Mexico Borderlands [2018]), the most current at the time of 
> Hopkins's research, historians of the North American West have long 
> argued that American continental expansion, by virtue of its 
> dispossession of Native Americans, constituted empire. Hopkins 
> quickly notes but rejects such arguments because of his focus on the 
> imbalanced economic relationship between the United States and Great 
> Britain at the time. 
> 
> Thus, it seems that Hopkins rejects arguments of American Empire 
> prior to the Spanish-Cuban-American War because the United States 
> remained politically and economically weaker than Great Britain, 
> despite his argument that Americans did not perceive 1898 as a 
> departure from past imperial expansion. Inferiority alone does not 
> negate an imperial reality. Empires of varying power have always 
> existed simultaneously; why should the fact that Great Britain was 
> the world's strongest empire of the nineteenth century, described by 
> Julian Go as one of only two global hegemons ever (Patterns of 
> Empire: The British and American Empires, 1688 to the Present 
> [2011]), mean that the United States was not a North American empire? 
> If economic influence is the standard of measure, would that mean 
> that after World War I, Great Britain was no longer an empire because 
> the United States had surpassed it as the world's leading economic 
> power?[1] 
> 
> Finally, Hopkins's readiness to discount the possibility of an 
> informal or economic American Empire after World War II is puzzling 
> in light of the imperial significance he places on British economic 
> dominance of the United States prior to the Civil War. If, between 
> 1783 and 1865, the United States remained a decolonizing vassal of 
> the British Empire, why then would the decolonizing states of the 
> twentieth century not remain imperial appendages of the United 
> States? What also, one asks, of the current relationship between the 
> United States and its territorial possessions? Does American 
> dominance of Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa, the US Virgin 
> Islands, and the Northern Mariana Islands--as well as these lands' 
> 3.5 million inhabitants who have no electoral voice in 
> Washington--represent empire? If not, why not? 
> 
> These are legitimate questions raised by American Empire, but make no 
> mistake, the book is excellent. While looking at the book in its 
> totality is daunting, Hopkins's hard-won skill as a writer ensures 
> that each chapter reads quickly and easily. Taking advantage of his 
> British imperial expertise, Hopkins reveals how the global exercise 
> of British power in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries made 
> other empires possible. His frequent reminders that empire is, at 
> root, often an economic venture are well-taken. Hopkins's insistence 
> that World War I did not challenge the global imperial structure is 
> refreshing and illuminating. His claims that global capitalism made 
> formal territorial colonies cost prohibitive and eased some of the 
> fears of decaying empires is of note, as is his argument that the 
> lack of American bipartisan policy hampered the effective creation 
> and administration of US Empire. Even the sometimes-distracting 
> comparisons between the United States and its European peers serve to 
> usefully dispel myths of American exceptionalism and are always 
> informative. 
> 
> American Empire is one of the best overviews of the topic in print. 
> It is certainly not a book appropriate for undergraduate classrooms, 
> and whether or not it is even appropriate in graduate seminars is 
> perhaps up for debate. Nonetheless, this is a work that all serious 
> historians should read at some point. Hopkins's approach is general 
> enough to ensure non-Americanists understand the unique elements of 
> American history that form the backbone of the book, while also 
> providing Americanists with the context necessary to understand the 
> United States' place in the world. Moreover, the volume's engagement 
> with wide swaths of scholarship is sure to provide starting points 
> for those wishing to follow more specific paths of inquiry regarding 
> American history and empire as well as global history. Finally, 
> Hopkins raises questions in need of further study, pointing toward an 
> important future for those studying the history of American Empire. 
> 
> Note 
> 
> [1]. Jay Sexton, A Nation Forged by Crisis: A New American History 
> (New York: Basic Books, 2018), 143. 
> 
> Citation: Michael A. Hill. Review of Hopkins, A. G., _American 
> Empire: A Global History_. H-Nationalism, H-Net Reviews. March, 2021.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55921
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 


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