JPLO Note:  “On the other hand the Jews of different countries have created 
their press and developed the Yiddish language as an instrument adapted to 
modern-culture. One must therefore reckon with the fact that the Jewish nation 
will maintain itself for an entire epoch to come.”



Leon Trotsky

On the Jewish Problem

  _____

Written: 1937-1940
First Published: Various publications, but collected and sources for this 
edition here:  
<https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/fi/index.htm#fi45_12> Vol. 6 
No. 12, December 1945, Volume 6, No. 12, pages 377-379
Transcription/HTML Markup: David Walters
Copyleft: Leon Trotsky Internet Archive ( <http://www.marxists.org> 
www.marxists.org) 2008. Permission is granted to copy and/or distribute this 
document under the terms of the  
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[You can freely copy, distribute, and display this work; as well as make 
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Archive as your source, include the url to this work, and note the transcribers 
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 <https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1940/xx/jewish.htm> 
https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1940/xx/jewish.htm



  _____

We publish herewith four statements by Trotsky during the last years of his 
life expressing his views on the Jewish question. The first is in the form of 
an interview given to correspondents of the Jewish press upon his arrival in 
Mexico. The second is an excerpt from an article on “Thermidor and 
Anti-Semitism” written in 1937. The third is a letter which Trotsky addressed 
to the Jews menaced by the mounting wave of anti-semitism and fascism in the 
United States, calling upon them to support the revolutionary struggle of the 
Fourth International as the only road to their salvation. The fourth statement 
is from the archives of Leon Trotsky.

I

Before trying to answer your questions I ought to warn you that unfortunately I 
have not had the opportunity to learn the Jewish language, which moreover has 
been developed only since I became an adult. I have not had, and I do not have 
the possibility of following the Jewish press, which prevents me from giving a 
precise opinion on the different aspects of so important and tragic a problem. 
I cannot therefore claim any special authority in replying to your questions. 
Nevertheless I am going to try and say what I think about it.

During my youth I rather leaned toward the prognosis that the Jews of different 
countries would be assimilated and that the Jewish question would thus 
disappear in a quasi-automatic fashion. The historical development of the last 
quarter of a century has not confirmed this perspective. Decaying capitalism 
has everywhere swung over to an exacerbated nationalism, one part of which is 
anti-semitism. The Jewish question has loomed largest in the most highly 
developed capitalist country of Europe, in Germany.

On the other hand the Jews of different countries have created their press and 
developed the Yiddish language as an instrument adapted to modern-culture. One 
must therefore reckon with the fact that the Jewish nation will maintain itself 
for an entire epoch to come. Now the nation cannot normally exist without a 
common territory. Zionism springs from this very idea. But the facts of every 
passing day demonstrate to us that Zionism is incapable of resolving the Jewish 
question. The conflict between the Jews and Arabs in Palestine acquires a more 
and more tragic and more and more menacing character. I do not at all believe 
that the Jewish question can be resolved within the framework of rotting 
capitalism and under the control of British imperialism.

And how, you ask me, can socialism solve this question? On this point I can but 
offer hypotheses. Once socialism has become master of our planet or at least of 
its most important sections, it will have unimaginable resources in all 
domains. Human history has witnessed the epoch of great migrations on the basis 
of barbarism. Socialism will open the possibility of great migrations on the 
basis of the most developed technique and culture. It goes without saying that 
what is here involved is not compulsory displacements, that is, the creation of 
new ghettos for certain nationalities, but displacements freely consented to, 
or rather demanded by certain nationalities or parts of nationalities. The 
dispersed Jews who would want to be reassembled in the same community will find 
a sufficiently extensive and rich spot under the sun. The same possibility will 
be opened for the Arabs, as for all other scattered nations. National 
topography will become a part of the planned economy . This is the grand 
historical perspective that I envisage. To work for international socialism 
means also to work for the solution of the Jewish question.

You ask me if the Jewish question still exists in the USSR. Yes, it exists, 
just as the Ukrainian, the Georgian, even the Russian questions exist there. 
The omnipotent bureaucracy stifles the development of national culture just as 
it does the whole of culture. Worse still, the country of the great proletarian 
revolution is now passing through a period of profound reaction. If the 
revolutionary wave revived the finest sentiments of human solidarity, the 
Thermidorian reaction has stirred up all that is low, dark and backward in this 
agglomeration of 170 million people. To reinforce its domination the 
bureaucracy does not even hesitate to resort in a scarcely camouflaged manner 
to chauvinistic tendencies, above all to anti-semitic ones. The latest Moscow 
trial, for example, was staged with the hardly concealed design of presenting 
internationalists as faithless and lawless Jews who are capable of selling 
themselves to the German Gestapo.

Since 1925 and above all since 1926, anti-semitic demagogy, well camouflaged, 
unattackable, goes hand in hand with symbolic trials against avowed pogromists. 
You ask me if the old Jewish petty bourgeoisie in the USSR has been socially 
assimilated by the new soviet environment. I am indeed at a loss to give you a 
clear reply. The social and national statistics in the USSR are extremely 
tendencious. They do not serve to set forth the truth, but above all to glorify 
the leaders, the chiefs, the creators of happiness. An important part of the 
Jewish petty bourgeoisie has been absorbed by the formidable apparatuses of the 
state, industry, commerce, the cooperatives, etc., above all in their lower and 
middle layers. This fact engenders an anti-semitic state of feeling and the 
leaders manipulate it with a cunning skill in order to canalize and to direct 
especially against the Jews the existing discontent against the bureaucracy.

On Biro-bidjan I can give you no more than my personal evaluations. I am not 
acquainted with this region and still less with the conditions in which the 
Jews have settled there. In any case it can be no more than a very limited 
experience. The USSR alone would still be too poor to resolve its own Jewish 
question, even under a regime much more socialist than the present one. The 
Jewish question, I repeat, is indissolubly bound up with the complete 
emancipation of humanity. Everything else that is done in this domain can only 
be a palliative and often even a two-edged blade, as the example of Palestine 
shows. January 18, 1937

II

Some would-be “pundits” have accused me of “suddenly” raising the “Jewish 
question” and of intending to create some kind of ghetto for the Jews. I can 
only shrug my shoulders in pity. I have lived my whole life outside of Jewish 
circles. I have always worked in the Russian workers movement. My native tongue 
is Russian. Unfortunately, I have not even learned to read Jewish. The Jewish 
question, therefore, has never occupied the center of my attention.

But that does not mean that I have the right to be blind to the Jewish problem 
which exists and demands a solution. “The friends of the USSR” are satisfied 
with the creation of Birobidjan. I will not stop at this point to consider 
whether it was built on a sound foundation and what type of regime existed 
there (Birobidjan cannot help reflecting all the vices of bureaucratic 
despotism). But not a single progressive thinking individual will object to the 
USSR designating a special territory for those of its citizens who feel 
themselves to be Jews, who use the Jewish language in preference to all others, 
and who wish to live as a compact mass.

Is this or is this not a ghetto? During the period of Soviet democracy, of 
completely voluntary migration, there could be no talk of ghettoes. But the 
Jewish question and the very manner in which settlements of Jews occurred, 
assumes an international aspect. Are we not correct in saying that a world 
socialist federation will have to make possible the creation of a Biro-bidjan 
for those Jews who wish to have their own autonomous republic as the arena for 
their own culture?

It may be presumed that a socialist democracy will not resort to compulsory 
assimilation. It may very well be that within two or three generations the 
boundaries of an independent Jewish republic, as of many other national 
regions, will be erased. I have neither time nor desire to meditate on this. 
Our descendants will know better than we what to do. I have in mind a 
transitional historical period when the Jewish “question” as such, is still 
acute and demands adequate measures from a world federation of workers’ states.

The very same methods of solving the Jewish question which under decaying 
capitalism will have a utopian and reactionary character (Zionism) will, under 
the regime of a socialist federation take on real and salutary meaning. This is 
what I want to point out. How could any Marxist or even any consistent democrat 
object to this?

1937

* * *

III

Dear Friend: Father Coughlin, who apparently tries to demonstrate that the 
absolute idealistic moral does not prevent man from being the greatest rascal, 
has declared over the radio that in the past I received enormous sums of money 
for the revolution from the Jewish bourgeoisie in the United States. I have 
already answered in the press that this is false. I did not receive such money, 
not, of course, because I would have refused financial support for the 
revolution, but because the Jewish bourgeoisie did not offer this support. The 
Jewish bourgeoisie remains true to the principle: not to give, even now when 
its head is concerned. Suffocating in its own contradictions, capitalism 
directs enraged blows against the Jews, moreover a part of these blows fall 
upon the Jewish bourgeoisie in spite of all its past “service” for capitalism. 
Measures of a philanthropical nature for refugees become less and less 
efficacious in comparison with the gigantic dimension of the evil burdening the 
Jewish people.

Now it is the turn of France. The victory of fascism in this country would 
signify a vast strengthening of reaction, and a monstrous growth of violent 
anti-semitism in all the world, above all in the United States. The number of 
countries which expel the Jews grows without cease. The number of countries 
able to accept them decreases. At the same time the exacerbation of the 
struggle intensifies. It is possible to imagine without difficulty what awaits 
the Jews at the mere outbreak of the future world war. But even without war the 
next development of world reaction signifies with certainty the physical 
extermination of the Jews .

Palestine appears a tragic mirage, Biro-bidjan a bureaucratic farce. The 
Kremlin refuses to accept refugees. The “anti-fascist” congresses of old ladies 
and young careerists do not have the slightest importance. Now more than ever, 
the fate of the Jewish people—not only their political but also their physical 
fate—is indissolubly linked with the emancipating struggle of the international 
proletariat. Only audacious mobilization of the workers against reaction, 
creation of workers’ militia, direct physical resistance to the fascist gangs, 
increasing self-confidence, activity and audacity on the part of all the 
oppressed can provoke a change in the relation of forces, stop the world wave 
of fascism, and open a new chapter in the history of mankind.

The Fourth International was the first to proclaim the danger of fascism and to 
indicate the way of salvation. The Fourth International calls upon the Jewish 
popular masses not to delude themselves but to face openly the menacing 
reality. Salvation lies only in revolutionary struggle. The “sinews” of 
revolutionary struggle, as of war, are funds. With the progressive and 
perspicacious elements of the Jewish people rests the obligation to come to the 
help of the revolutionary vanguard. Time presses. A day is now equivalent to a 
month or even to a year. That thou doest, do quickly!

December 22, 1938

The attempt to solve the Jewish question through the migration of Jews to 
Palestine can now be seen for what it is, a tragic mockery of the Jewish 
people. Interested in winning the sympathies of the Arabs who are more numerous 
than the Jews, the British government has sharply altered its policy toward the 
Jews, and has actually renounced its promise to help them found their “own 
home” in a foreign land. The future development of military events may well 
transform Palestine into a bloody trap for several hundred thousand Jews. Never 
was it so clear as it is today that the salvation of the Jewish people is bound 
up inseparably with the overthrow of the capitalist system.

July, 1940

  _____



Last updated on: 15.4.2007



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