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Andrew Stewart

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> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: March 28, 2021 at 2:14:57 PM EDT
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Diplo]:  Frazier on Stur, 'Saigon at War: South 
> Vietnam and the Global Sixties'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> Heather Marie Stur.  Saigon at War: South Vietnam and the Global 
> Sixties.  Cambridge  Cambridge University Press, 2020.  292 pp.
> $29.99 (paper), ISBN 978-1-316-61411-2.
> 
> Reviewed by Jessica M. Frazier (University of Rhode Island)
> Published on H-Diplo (March, 2021)
> Commissioned by Seth Offenbach
> 
> Heather Stur's _Saigon at War: South Vietnam and the Global Sixties 
> _joins a push among Vietnam War historians to take into greater 
> consideration the perspectives of Vietnamese, and it contributes to 
> the historiography by paying particular attention to South Vietnamese 
> voices. Through archival research in Ho Chi Minh City, Stur provides 
> insight into the lives and livelihoods of Vietnamese from all walks 
> of life: urban elite, youth activists, religious leaders, military 
> families, and diplomats. In doing so, _Saigon at War _moves away from 
> the world of high politics and into everyday life on the streets of 
> Saigon from the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem in 1963 to 
> the fall of Saigon in 1975. 
> 
> Two main questions drive Stur's analysis: who represented the 
> authentic voice of the Vietnamese and why was it so difficult to 
> build and maintain a democracy in South Vietnam? These questions and 
> their answers go hand-in-glove with one another and, for Stur, point 
> to the existence of a "chaotic yet proto-democratic national culture" 
> in South Vietnam before its collapse (p. 7). _Saigon at War_ 
> illustrates that no single voice or group of people could be said to 
> represent the desires of South Vietnamese people, yet many activists, 
> urban elites, and religious leaders wanted the same thing: some form 
> of representative government. Even so, a true democracy could not 
> flourish under the circumstances because neither Saigon nor 
> Washington harnessed a united front against the Communist North. 
> Instead, a cacophony of voices led to disorder and confusion, and, 
> ironically, the potential for a democracy that Stur identifies also 
> resulted in the downfall of South Vietnam, she argues. 
> 
> Stur illustrates the existence of a proto-democracy by homing in on a 
> few key groups of people who made claims on the government and 
> expected to be heard. For example, members of the educated elite had 
> the ear of government officials as well as national and international 
> press and used the attention to call for democracy, freedom, and 
> peace--rhetoric that echoed the Saigon administration and Washington. 
> Yet these politically savvy activists, some of whom had indirect ties 
> to the National Liberation Front (NLF), undermined Saigon and its US 
> counterparts by calling for freedom from outside interference and set 
> themselves up as a "third force"--that is, a term meant to signify 
> that they neither wanted to be ruled by Hanoi nor by the US-backed 
> Saigon administration. Students formed another base of political 
> activity, and like the peace activists a generation older, many youth 
> activists similarly questioned the legitimacy of the unelected Saigon 
> government. Even so, many opposed the Communist North--a detail that 
> Saigon and Washington too often ignored. 
> 
> According to Stur, political unrest in Saigon in the early 1960s 
> provided a cover for NLF cadres determined to take down the 
> government. Both communist and noncommunist activists took to the 
> streets in protest of the unelected officials who led the country 
> following the coup d'état that overthrew President Diem until the 
> 1967 elections that resulted in General Nguyen Van Thieu's 
> presidency. The Saigon administration and its US allies often could 
> not identify who was a communist instigator and who was a 
> noncommunist citizen exercising their right to freedom of speech and 
> assembly. Capitalizing on the confusion, the NLF committed strategic 
> acts of violence within the city limits to destabilize Saigon, boost 
> the morale of guerrilla fighters, and instill fear in Saigon's 
> citizens. The key, according to a 1967 US analysis of the situation 
> that Stur cites, was for the NLF to commit acts of terrorism that 
> yielded too few casualties to attract international attention but 
> were visible enough to instigate the Saigon administration into 
> acting as an authoritarian regime. 
> 
> The Saigon administration played into the hands of NLF strategists, 
> according to Stur, by cracking down on protests and locking up 
> political prisoners, in many cases without trial. News of mass 
> incarcerations followed by stories of torture in South Vietnamese 
> prisons ruined any chance of South Vietnam receiving widespread 
> international support and strengthened the NLF's ability to claim to 
> be the rightful inheritors of South Vietnam even after the 1967 
> election of President Thieu. Activists publicized acts of political 
> repression--often committed against themselves--carried out by the 
> Thieu administration. In the late 1960s, Vietnamese priests added to 
> international scrutiny of South Vietnam's prison system by publishing 
> articles about political imprisonment in a Saigon-based Catholic 
> magazine and by speaking out publicly. Such condemnation, especially 
> on the part of the Catholic population which had staunchly supported 
> anticommunist efforts in the early 1960s, made it difficult for the 
> US administration to make the case to American citizens or to world 
> opinion that US intervention was in fact boosting an intact 
> democracy. 
> 
> Stur's study adds invaluable new research in her analysis of 
> on-the-ground activities. She shows that time and again US diplomats' 
> distrust of activists and their difficulty in determining the intent 
> of protestors led to missed opportunities for the Saigon government 
> and its American advisors to cultivate homegrown support. By the mid- 
> to late 1960s, the situation had turned into "mutual suspicion," 
> leaving activists who did not want an NLF victory with no reasonable 
> outcome to champion (p. 108). 
> 
> _Saigon at War _would be a welcome addition to either upper-level 
> undergraduate or graduate-level curriculums on the Vietnam War, the 
> global 1960s, or the US in the world, and historians, political 
> scientists, and international relations scholars would do well to 
> read it. Stur chose to structure the book as a layered history--that 
> is, the chapters are generally arranged topically by type of 
> Vietnamese actor (elite, youth, religious leader, etc.) rather than 
> chronologically--as a way to highlight the diverse perspectives of 
> South Vietnamese. Although some scholars may level the usual charges 
> against such a choice in organization--change over time is not the 
> central focus of the text and some repetition occurs in terms of 
> explaining the historical context of given events--the structure 
> makes the book conducive to assigning single chapters (e.g., if a 
> professor wanted to compare student activism in Saigon with student 
> activism elsewhere during the global 1960s, they could easily do so). 
> In short, _Saigon at War _will no doubt become required reading for 
> those wishing to research any aspect of the US war in Vietnam. 
> 
> _Jessica Frazier is an associate professor in the History and Gender 
> and Women's Studies Departments at the University of Rhode Island._ 
> 
> Citation: Jessica M. Frazier. Review of Stur, Heather Marie, _Saigon 
> at War: South Vietnam and the Global Sixties_. H-Diplo, H-Net 
> Reviews. March, 2021.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55579
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 


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