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Andrew Stewart

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> From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]>
> Date: March 29, 2021 at 6:15:23 AM EDT
> To: [email protected]
> Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]>
> Subject: H-Net Review [H-Russia]:  Kefeli on Ross, 'Tatar Empire: Kazan's 
> Muslims and the Making of Imperial Russia'
> Reply-To: [email protected]
> 
> Danielle Ross.  Tatar Empire: Kazan's Muslims and the Making of 
> Imperial Russia.  Bloomington  Indiana University Press, 2020.  288 
> pp.  $30.00 (paper), ISBN 978-0-253-04571-3.
> 
> Reviewed by Agnes Kefeli (Arizona State University)
> Published on H-Russia (March, 2021)
> Commissioned by Eva M. Stolberg
> 
> In _Tatar Empire: Kazan's Muslims and the Making of Imperial Russia_, 
> Danielle Ross makes a major contribution to both the history of the 
> Russian empire and to the history of its ethnic and religious 
> minorities. She skillfully argues that the Kazan Tatars were both 
> colonized and colonizers, suffering the consequences of their initial 
> defeat at the hands of Ivan the Terrible in 1552 but also 
> participating actively in Russia's colonial expansion as 
> interpreters, ambassadors, mediators, traders, and settlers. Most 
> important, Ross does not portray them as mere puppets of Russian 
> officials but as allies and, most interesting, as a colonizing force, 
> creating its own spheres of religious and economic influence, its own 
> geography, and its own hierarchies of subjected people. Drawing from 
> a large array of Russian and Turkic-language sources familiar to 
> experts in the field--imperial archives, biographical dictionaries, 
> villages histories, letters, Sufi genealogies, theological works, and 
> literary production--Ross focuses on one group, the Kazan Tatar 
> ulama, and its material-intellectual history from the seventeenth 
> century until the revolutions of 1917. Because seventeenth-century 
> Russian decrees targeted Tatar nobility, Kazan's ulama came to play a
> bigger role in local Muslim politics, and in the eighteenth century, 
> they allied themselves with Russians in their illegal grab of Bashkir 
> pasture lands in the South Urals. Kazan mullahs and their descendants 
> founded new villages at the expense of the Bashkirs, and Russians 
> preferred to rely on these newcomers for establishing their authority 
> instead of the Urals' indigenous imams. When Bashkirs joined Emel'ian 
> Pugachev's rebellion, the Kazan ulama remained faithful to the crown, 
> and Catherine II rewarded them with the creation of the Orenburg 
> Muslim Spiritual Assembly. There, Ross, challenging Robert Crews's 
> contention that the Russian state shaped Islamic discourse through 
> this institution, argues convincingly that the Kazan ulama took 
> initiative in the making of the assembly. For instance, its first 
> appointed head, Mukhamedzhan Khusainov, whose uncle, a legal scholar, 
> helped Russians suppress the 1730s Bashkir rebellion, asked for the 
> title of mufti to increase his prestige among the Kazakhs. Ross also 
> successfully shows that the Muslim Spiritual Assembly had limited 
> powers, which allowed Islam to develop freely outside Russian 
> imperial state control, and that its politics, largely dependent on 
> local personal relationships, was marred by interethnic conflicts 
> within the Muslim community. By the beginning of the nineteenth 
> century, Turkic-Bulghar histories integrated the South Urals as part 
> of the Volga region sacred Islamic geography. There was no mention of 
> Kazan Tatar migration to the Urals nor of the Russian state 
> facilitating this migration. Ross could have added that this map also 
> included Eastern Orthodox Tatar villages that Tatars considered 
> Muslim (or Muslim-to-be). 
> 
> One prestigious network of Kazan Tatar ulama and their merchant 
> patrons that originated from the village of Machkara near the town of 
> Malmyzh played a central role in the consolidation of that geography. 
> Mainly interested in fathers and sons, Ross delves into their life 
> stories and explores the question of modernity. When did these 
> scholars of Islam become modern? she asks. For Ross, the process of 
> modernization did not start in the 1880s with the emergence of the 
> jadid reformed school system in the Crimean Peninsula, as expounded 
> by the pioneer of Eurasian studies Alexander Bennigsen. Instead, it 
> began at the turn of the nineteenth century, thanks to wider access 
> to Islamic knowledge due to the increased circulation of paper and 
> the establishment of the Asiatic printing press. Calls for reform 
> emerged neither as a response to economic decline nor as a product of 
> proximity to Western thought. In fact, the Kazan Tatar economy 
> flourished, assuring the prosperity and multiplication of mosques, 
> schools, factories, and shops. Scholars of the Machkaran network 
> became more concerned about risks of scriptural misinterpretation. 
> They drew stricter parameters for legal interpretations of 
> scriptures, and they imagined new ways of imparting knowledge to 
> serve the needs of their communities. 
> 
> Popularization of knowledge is one of the criteria of modernity, but 
> as Ross successfully argues, this trend had already started well 
> before Ismail Gasprinskii created a faster method of imparting basic 
> literacy. Traditional madrasa education and its scholastic debates 
> imparted skills that could easily be applied in the world (for 
> instance the calculation of inheritance). Ross's argument regarding 
> the dynamism of Tatar Islamic literacy before the 1880s is 
> corroborated by the expansion of Islam among animist and baptized 
> Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples of the Middle Volga and the Urals in 
> the nineteenth century. Partly thanks to the same Machkaran network 
> of scholars she describes, some Orthodox Christian villages and 
> individuals converted to Islam and asked for official recognition of 
> their Islamic identity. Astutely, Ross also argues that these imams 
> planted the seeds of their own demise, and that the student strikes 
> in their madrasa were less the result of external influences--the 
> students having access to Russian subversive political 
> literature--than they were the product of their teachers' 
> popularization of knowledge, initiated in the late eighteenth 
> century. With wider access to Islamic knowledge, students challenged 
> their former teachers' authority, which was based on kinship, 
> spiritual lineages, and communal recognition. 
> 
> Conceptually, Ross's book is pulled between two poles, one centered 
> on the expansion of the so-called Tatar empire within the Russian 
> empire, and the other, on the nature of modernity in Eurasia. In 
> fact, each pole could have been the subject of a separate monograph. 
> The introduction and the book cover summary mention that the Kazan 
> Tatars were at the forefront of the Russian expansion into western 
> Siberia, the South Urals, and the Kazakh steppes. However, the book 
> focuses only on the South Urals and its borderlands; it does not 
> include the northern Tatar Mishar communities of Nizhnii Novgorod, 
> St. Petersburg, and Finland or the Tatar settlements in Siberia and 
> on the Chinese borderlands, which also have played a role in the 
> expansion of the Tatar empire. By confining herself to one ulama 
> network, she gives the impression that only the Kazan Tatars were at 
> the forefront of the Tatar empire expansion. True, Ross mentions that 
> there is more than just one network, but she does not provide the 
> names of those other scholarly lineages. The sources for the 
> Machkaran network, which have also been analyzed by Allen Frank, 
> Michael Kemper, and Nathan Spannaus, are more readily available. It 
> could be argued, though, that the Mishar Tatar scholars' network of 
> Nizhnii Novgorod, whose history awaits to be written, could have 
> played an earlier and equal part in the expansion of the Tatar 
> empire. Ross mentions the Mishars, fighting along with the Bashkirs 
> against Russian encroachment, but without giving much explanation for 
> their presence on the South Urals frontier. 
> 
> Ross masterfully shows how Tatar modernists inherited earlier 
> constructs of sacred topography and invented a hierarchy of Turkic 
> nations with themselves at the top. In this colonial hierarchy, the 
> civilizing heroes, enlighteners, and leaders of the Bashkir, Kazakh, 
> and Turkestani Orient were no less than the Kazan Tatars. In short, 
> Orientalism is not only a projection of Western power. Muslim Tatars 
> also "orientalized" "the Other" in the creation of their own empire. 
> Ross's book challenges Alexander Bennigsen's and modern Tatar 
> nationalists' reading that Russians were responsible for dividing 
> Tatar lands into two separate autonomous republics. Bashkirs, 
> Kazakhs, and other Turkic peoples of Central Asia rejected Kazan 
> Tatar claims of oversight, and they chose their own path to 
> sovereignty after the revolution. 
> 
> Besides the making of a Tatar empire within the Russian empire, Ross 
> also explores the question of modernity in the Middle Volga and the
> South Urals. Following Allen Frank and Devin DeWeese, Ross criticizes 
> earlier scholars for their excessive focus on jadidism (Tatar 
> modernism). Still, Ross, partly because of her heavy reliance on 
> modernist authors, fails to fully explore those imams who did not 
> share the jadid vision. In particular, the more conservative 
> "traditionalist" imams (the subject of Rozaliya Garipova's research) 
> and the radically separationist and "rejectionist" Vaisov movement 
> deserve a more extensive treatment than the passing mention that Ross 
> devotes to them. The result is that jadids still remain a dominant 
> (and familiar) voice in the last chapters of her narrative. In 
> general, in my view, Ross's novelty resides more in her questioning 
> of the European modernity paradigm, and in her framing of modernity 
> as a product of indigenous religious thought, than in her claim that 
> scholars of the so-called secularization and desacralization camps 
> did not recognize that Islam remained central to Tatar identity and 
> public life before the Soviet experiment. Her strength lies in 
> showing that the jadid discourse was an extension of the Machkaran 
> imperial discourse. In this, she joins the ranks of Alfrid Bustanov, 
> who has revisited jadidism as an ideology preoccupied with its own 
> imperial project. 
> 
> Ross argues that the secularization of Tatar thought occurred only 
> after the Bolshevik Revolution, even though some intellectuals seem 
> to have embraced a desacralized politics well before the overthrow of 
> the Provisional Government. For instance, as a madrasa student in the 
> years after the 1905 revolution, the future Bolshevik revolutionary 
> Galimdzhan Ibragimov, son of an imam, defied Muslim orthodoxy and 
> questioned the divine origin of the Qur'an. I learned this 
> interesting fact from Ross's dissertation, but she does not mention 
> it in her monograph. Ross does note that jadid madrasa students were 
> exposed to socialist rhetoric. She masterfully shows that their 
> teachers took a Salafi literalist position, packaged theology in an 
> easily explicable format, and called for a controlled _ijtihad_ 
> (independent legal interpretation). Many students, however, dreamed 
> of becoming something better than a village mullah, and strove for a 
> more egalitarian society. It also seems that the students may have 
> had a more radical view of the power of ijtihad, perhaps under the 
> influence of socialist rhetoric, than their teachers. Unfortunately, 
> the last chapters are peppered with many names of prominent Tatar 
> intellectuals or future revolutionaries without proper introduction 
> or discussion of their understanding of the Islamic "domain." 
> Finally, the book could have been better edited: Pierre Bourdieu's 
> "habitus" appears three times as "habitas" on the same page. 
> 
> Despite its Kazan-Tatar-centrism, Ross's book is significant. By 
> positioning Tatar history as a colonizing force within the Russian 
> empire, she invites scholars to explore further other ulama-merchant
> networks among Bashkirs, Mishars, and Siberian Tatars. It is also my 
> hope that Ross will write the history of the wives and daughters of 
> the Machkaran network, whose voices remain surprisingly absent in 
> _Tatar Empire_. These women, however, played a role in matchmaking, 
> imagining their children's future, choosing their school, and 
> educating them. They proselytized among Eastern Orthodox and "pagan"
> minorities, interpreted the sharia, copied manuscripts, wrote their 
> own poetry, and carried the memory of Islamic rituals, songs, and 
> poetry throughout the Soviet period. In conclusion, the remarkable 
> significance of Ross's monograph lies in her contesting the image of 
> Tatar modernity as a late nineteenth-century product of decline and 
> Western influence. Tatar modernity expressed itself in Islamic terms, 
> and, it started much earlier, in the late eighteenth century, as a 
> response to increased material wealth brought by colonizing new lands 
> and advancing the Russian empire (and its own). The history of the 
> expansion of Islam within Turkic and Finno-Ugric communities from 
> late eighteenth century to the revolution, and even beyond, confirms
> Ross's findings. 
> 
> Citation: Agnes Kefeli. Review of Ross, Danielle, _Tatar Empire: 
> Kazan's Muslims and the Making of Imperial Russia_. H-Russia, H-Net 
> Reviews. March, 2021.
> URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=56424
> 
> This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 
> Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States 
> License.
> 
> 


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