I find this very interesting --- did not realize there was a possible split
within the Dems about "care infrastructure" versus "physical
infrastructure" --- JUST DO BOTH, DAMMIT!

---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Portside <[email protected]>
Date: Tue, Mar 30, 2021 at 9:34 PM
Subject: To Save America, Help West Virginia
To: <[email protected]>


[image: Wielding a pivotal Senate seat at a moment when the Biden
administration is prepared to spend trillions on fixing the climate, West
Virginia is now in a position to make huge demands of the Democratic Party.]
<https://portside.org/>

To Save America, Help West Virginia
<https://portside.org/2021-03-30/save-america-help-west-virginia>


Liza Featherstone
March 30, 2021
Jacobin
<https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/west-virginia-manchin-infrastructure-bill-biden-green-energy>

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* Wielding a pivotal Senate seat at a moment when the Biden administration
is prepared to spend trillions on fixing the climate, West Virginia is now
in a position to make huge demands of the Democratic Party. *

Almost a third of West Virginians filed for unemployment between mid-March
2020 and the end of January 2021., Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis via Getty
Images



A Democratic swing vote in an evenly divided Senate, West Virginia Democrat
Joe Manchin has already proved to be a significant obstacle
<https://jacobinmag.com/2021/03/joe-manchin-democrats-centrism-stimulus> to
progressive policy. His opposition was a significant reason for Biden’s
failure to raise the minimum wage to $15; Manchin also played a key role in
shrinking the household stimulus checks, as well as the weekly unemployment
checks. He will be a necessary and highly undependable vote as Democrats
attempt to address the climate crisis, advance union organizing rights, and
counter racist Republican efforts to legislate voter suppression.

However, the infrastructure bill that Biden and the Democrats are preparing
to unveil, which is expected to call for $3 trillion in investment in
public goods and services, presents an opportunity for West Virginians —
and for all of us. Manchin has been championing this legislation, even
calling for it to be funded with an increase in taxes on corporations and
the wealthy. On this issue, Eric Levitz of *New York *magazine has
convincingly argued
<https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2021/03/joe-manchin-may-be-pulling-biden-left-on-infrastructure.html>,
Manchin is actually pulling Biden to the left.

Manchin’s salience puts West Virginia in a powerful position. The state has
urgent needs, given the long decline of the coal industry and the double
impact of the opioid and coronavirus public health crises. Almost a third
of West Virginians filed for unemployment between mid-March 2020 and the
end of January 2021.

A report
<https://www.peri.umass.edu/component/k2/item/1404-impacts-of-the-reimagine-appalachia-clean-energy-transition-programs-for-west-virginia>
by University of Massachusetts economists with the Political Economy
Research Institute (PERI), released in late February, proposed a recovery
plan for West Virginia, with good jobs and environmental sustainability at
its center. The study showed how compatible these priorities really are.
The state’s coal industry has spent years successfully demonizing Democrats
and environmentalists as job killers. Under recent regimes of neoliberal
austerity, there might been some truth to that, but with more generous
investment from the federal government, West Virginia can redevelop its
economy and lead the nation in fighting climate change at the same time.

PERI found that the struggling Appalachian state could reduce carbon
emissions by 40 percent by 2030 and reach zero emissions by 2050 — the
targets the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) determined
<https://www.ipcc.ch/2018/10/08/summary-for-policymakers-of-ipcc-special-report-on-global-warming-of-1-5c-approved-by-governments/>
in 2018 were needed in order to avoid irreversible damage to our planet and
to human civilizations — while creating jobs and promoting prosperity. The
UMass researchers found that $3.6 billion per year in (both public and
private) investments in a clean energy program — averaged over the
2021–2030 time period — would generate about 25,000 West Virginian jobs per
year. The PERI researchers also analyzed the effect of $1.6 billion a year
— also over 2021–2030 — in investments in public infrastructure,
manufacturing, land restoration, and agriculture, finding that these
efforts would generate about 16,000 jobs per year.

In fighting for such priorities, progressives need resist the pull of what
we might call “woke neoliberalism.” Woke neoliberalism functions by using
charges of racism and sexism — very real problems! — against initiatives
that could help the entire working class. (Remember Hillary Clinton’s, “If
we broke up the big banks tomorrow, would that end racism?”) In the debate
over the Biden infrastructure bill, some well-meaning people are falling
into that trap, already pitting investment in care work and infrastructure
against each other.

The *Washington Post* reported
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/us-policy/2021/03/29/biden-infrastructure-taxes-spending-plan/>
on Monday, “Some people close to the White House say they feel that the
emphasis on major physical infrastructure investments reflects a dated
nostalgia for a kind of White working-class male worker,” citing SEIU
president Mary Kay Henry’s private admonitions to the White House not to
overlook the care economy. Henry said, “We’re up against a gender and
racial bias that this work is not worth as much as the rubber, steel and
auto work of the last century.” Economists Heidi Shierholz, Darrick
Hamilton, and Larry Katz reportedly argued to the White House that
investing in care work would create more jobs than investing in
infrastructure.

Let’s not do this.

Of course workers, especially women, are suffering from the dearth of
affordable, quality childcare, and all care workers are horribly underpaid
for the work. Our society needs both care work and infrastructure, and
workers in all these vital areas deserve secure, dignified, and adequately
compensated jobs. Advocates — even those who are, like Henry, “talking
their book,” as they say in the financial markets — should not accept a
framework of scarcity. Rather, we should all fight to expand the pie. After
all, when you’re driving your kids home from their fully funded,
high-quality day care, you presumably don’t want the bridge to collapse.

Dismissing infrastructure investment as “nostalgia” for a white
working-class male worker is foolish on multiple counts.

One is that white male workers do still exist. They didn’t just vanish into
the sunset of Fordism, the family wage, and the Jell-O mold. A fair number
of them live in West Virginia, a small state with outsized political power
right now. White male workers there used to work in the coal industry, and
many are now in need of green jobs, as well as the “just transition”
provisions PERI recommends in its report. It’s not fair for liberals to
dismiss them; nor is it politically smart: Would it not be better for white
men find well-paying jobs in, say, regenerative agriculture instead of
joining the Proud Boys and knocking on doors for Marjorie Taylor Greene
2024?

Then there’s the fact everyone benefits from infrastructure, not only white
men. We all need roads, bridges, trains, public school buildings, a working
power grid. If you ride public transit, you’ve probably noticed that in
many towns and cities around the nation, hardly any of your fellow riders
are white. And the urgency of green energy is even greater for the global
nonwhite working class who — we have already learned from numerous climate
catastrophes — are more likely to lose their livelihoods, homes,
electricity, water, and even their lives in a natural disaster. We have
also seen, during the last decade of ongoing climate crisis, that the care
work women perform — often for free, for our families and communities —
becomes far more complicated during such times.

Another problem is the idea that infrastructure jobs only benefit white
men. This is a canard. The same bogus argument was used back in the Obama
administration and was repeatedly debunked at the time. Back in 2013,
the Economic
Policy Institute
<https://www.epi.org/publication/infrastructure-investments-latino-african/>
showed that Hispanics benefit disproportionately from infrastructure
investment because they’re more likely than members of other groups to work
in the construction and transportation industries. The study also showed
how much African Americans would benefit from large-scale infrastructure
investment, recommending it as a strategy to address black-white employment
disparities. People of color are employed in significant numbers in mass
transit; both women and people of color are well represented in
manufacturing R&D.

It is true that in many other green energy sectors, women and people of
color are underrepresented — especially women. But this was even more true
of the fossil-fuel industry. And as the PERI researchers point out, given
how much women and people of color stand to gain from access to better
jobs, there’s no reason the investment in green energy couldn’t include
equal opportunity initiatives, including affirmative action and training. A
recent Brookings Institution report
<https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/2019.04_metro_Clean-Energy-Jobs_Report_Muro-Tomer-Shivaran-Kane.pdf>
made the same recommendation.

Why is it, exactly, that women and racialized people have to be caregivers
rather than builders of windmills? Isn’t that pretty racist and sexist?
Infrastructure jobs have lower educational barriers to entry and pay higher
wages than many other jobs; all working-class people should have access to
them. The PERI report
<https://www.peri.umass.edu/component/k2/item/1404-impacts-of-the-reimagine-appalachia-clean-energy-transition-programs-for-west-virginia>
found that clean energy investments in West Virginia would increase job
opportunities for women and people of color and would also likely raise
unionization rates for these groups.

Winning Manchin over wouldn’t be the only advantage to investing generously
in West Virginia. Presumably, Biden would like a chance at regaining a
foothold for the Democrats in a state where, over the past few decades,
they’ve lost ground at a blistering pace. And, political maneuvering aside,
it represents a historic opportunity to advance solutions to truly
existential environmental and economic crises. Now is the time for West
Virginia to seize its moment, and for the rest of us to cheer it on.

Liza Featherstone is a columnist for *Jacobin*, a freelance journalist, and
the author of *Selling Women Short: The Landmark Battle for Workers’ Rights
at Wal-Mart*.

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