Also a review at the NYRB
https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2021/04/08/why-did-the-slave-trade-survive-so-long/

On Sat, Feb 20, 2021 at 8:18 AM Louis Proyect <[email protected]> wrote:

> TheNation, MARCH 8/15, 2021, ISSUE
> A Poisonous Legacy
> New York City and the persistence of the Middle Passage.
> By Gerald Horne
>
> THE LAST SLAVE SHIPS: NEW YORK AND THE END OF THE MIDDLE PASSAGE
> By John Harris
>
> In the middle of 1856, the soon-to-be-celebrated poet Walt Whitman visited
> an impounded slave ship in Brooklyn. The taking of the ship was an unusual
> occurrence, as it was one of the few illegal slavers seized by an otherwise
> lethargic Washington, D.C., and Whitman wanted to give his readers a tour
> of the vessel, which had been designed to add even more enslaved laborers
> to the millions already ensnared in this system of iniquity, including of
> its hold, where those victimized were to be “laid together spoon-fashion.”
>
> Whitman’s keen journalistic interest was a response to the feverish
> political climate in his homeland, featuring ever more overwrought cries
> demanding the relegalization and reopening of the Atlantic slave trade.
> Officially, this branch of flesh peddling had been rendered illegal by
> Britain in 1807 and by the United States in 1808, but it had continued
> nonetheless, with boatloads of kidnapped Africans being transported to the
> Americas, especially Brazil, Cuba, and the United States. It was likely
> that some of Whitman’s readers in New York City—the citadel of this illicit
> commerce—would have taken a decided interest in his grim reportage.
>
> John Harris’s The Last Slave Ships offers a more comprehensive portrait of
> the illegal slave trade in the Atlantic, starting with the last slave ships
> to dock in New York Harbor. Mining the historical archives in Spain,
> Portugal, Cuba, and the United States, Harris demonstrates how, even as
> slavery was being abolished in the Northern states, it continued to
> flourish, since the slave system was not confined simply to below the
> Mason-Dixon Line. The financing of the slave trade’s illegitimate commerce
> was sited heavily in Manhattan: The ships passed through the waterways of
> the city’s harbor, and the denizens of Gotham also enjoyed the profits of
> this odious system, even as many of them publicly denounced it. After all,
> slave ships required crews, not to mention the need to grease the palms of
> corrupt officials at the harbor and elsewhere with attractive bribes. In
> sum, the wealth produced by slave labor built not only a region but a
> nation. Like Charleston, S.C., and Galveston, Tex., New York City benefited
> from the trade in human souls—which, in a sense, continues to undergird
> Wall Street.
>
> Much of The Last Slave Ships concerns itself with the years immediately
> preceding the crushing of this ugly business as a consequence of the Civil
> War, and the book chronicles how the construction of swift ships was
> financed in New York, how the audacious smuggling persisted as a result,
> and how the breathtaking inhumanity that this smuggling created continues
> to bedevil this country even though it ended many decades ago.
>
> Indeed, it does not require acrobatically inclined inferences to conclude
> that the vessel Whitman visited in the Brooklyn Navy Yard symbolized far
> more than the attempted impounding of slavery itself, which within five
> years was to ignite a bloody war. It also represented a moral economy that
> eroded the most basic human empathy. One might add that the story of how a
> slave ship wound up in New York waters also sheds light on how a would-be
> Manhattan Mussolini received 74 million votes in the presidential election
> of 2020.
>
> After the triumph of the Haitian Revolution in 1804, which saw the
> successful overthrow of slavery by the enslaved themselves, the British
> Empire sensed the imminent danger both to its investments and to the lives
> of British settlers in the Caribbean, especially those living in the cash
> cows of Jamaica and Barbados, so it chose to curtail the country’s role in
> the African slave trade. In 1807, the House of Commons passed the Slave
> Trade Act, which made illegal the participation of British ships and
> citizens and ultimately helped to extirpate this pestilence more generally.
> By 1808, London’s spawn on the west bank of the Atlantic had moved
> similarly—at least on the surface—with the Act Prohibiting Importation of
> Slaves, which outlawed US involvement in the non-domestic slave trade. Had
> these laws been rigorously enforced, they would have spelled the beginning
> of the end of the Atlantic slave trade.
>
> But the monarchy and the newly independent republic once ruled by it
> responded to these acts differently. The Royal Navy became the cop on the
> beat chasing down scofflaws. Meanwhile, many of the scofflaws it was
> chasing down were in US-built-and-flagged vessels that were maintained, at
> times, by crews from the purported revolutionary republic. Thus, in the
> first half of the 19th century, two parallel developments played a role in
> the evolving drama: British ships hunted down human traffickers, while US
> ships did their best to evade the long arm of the law. Even though the
> Atlantic slave trade had been officially outlawed in the United States, it
> persisted despite this fact, which meant that millions of captives still
> departed Africa for a hellish enslavement in the Americas. Indeed, Harris
> writes, “almost four million captives left African shores between the
> beginning of the century and the closure of the traffic in the 1860s,
> around a third of all captives who ever crossed the Atlantic.”
>
> A ray of sunshine in this cumulus of gloom came in the mid-19th century.
> At least by some accounts, the bulk of this horrendous merchandising of
> human souls reached a zenith in the 1840s in Brazil, the largest market of
> all, and then began to slow. But even following a military defeat of the
> enslavers in the United States in 1865, the slave trade limped along in
> Brazil and Cuba until the 1880s. As Harris shows, much of this bondage
> survived as a result of financial and diplomatic support from the nation
> that had proclaimed itself a “shining city upon a hill” and, in particular,
> from its shiniest city: New York.
>
> The obscenely profitable slave ships were financed in New York City, and
> as Whitman discovered, the ships departed from there, too. Moreover, when
> New Yorkers sipped their morning coffee or sweetened their morning tea, it
> was often coffee that had been produced by slave labor in Brazil and sugar
> produced by slave labor in Cuba. A number of New York’s elected
> representatives may have been officially opposed to the slave trade, but
> they nonetheless represented a city and a state that profited from it
> immensely.
>
> As Harris writes, during the Atlantic slave trade’s later stages, slave
> ships embarked from many points along the Eastern Seaboard, but New York
> City accounted for two out of every three departures. Investors in the
> illegal trade were willing to assume the risk, since, during this era, the
> average return on investment was an eye-watering 91 percent. Just as later
> generations of Wall Street wizards devised collateralized debt obligations
> and other devious instruments designed to maximize profit, their
> predecessors acted in a manner that anticipated today’s financial
> engineering. Revealingly, Lehman Brothers, the Wall Street firm whose 2008
> bankruptcy was said to have triggered a financial crisis that required
> massive bailouts and almost brought capitalism to its knees, began by
> capitalizing lucratively on the production of cotton picked by enslaved
> labor in Alabama.
>
> Insurance companies also wallowed in the filthy lucre of this odious
> business. Then as now, the financing and insuring taking place in New York
> proved to be a transnational business. This unclean interchange may have
> originated in Gotham, but it involved and benefited investors in Western
> Europe (especially Portugal and Spain) and in Cuba and Brazil. Also
> implicated were the ship-building industries of Maine and Maryland, often
> kept afloat by Manhattan investors, along with many other New Yorkers who
> lived in a city whose economy was still buoyed by slavery.
>
> While certain New Yorkers were diabolically investing in the illegal slave
> trade, across the ocean in London, the British government began to invest
> in spies in order to keep track of it, devising publications to chart the
> movements of slave ships and subsidizing the Royal Navy, which was
> authorized to halt their devilry.
>
> The overly optimistic observer might have imagined that the United States
> would move in a similar direction. Yet while London proved to be an often
> fierce watchdog, Washington proved to be a toothless terrier, protestations
> about an antislavery Constitution notwithstanding. From 1851 to 1860, 159
> individuals were prosecuted under US slave trade laws in the republic; of
> these, 99 were acquitted, encountered a deadlocked jury, or were otherwise
> ordered released. Twelve were tried and convicted but endured only a slap
> on the wrist, and nine managed to escape custody somehow. The outcomes for
> the remainder are unclear, though it is fair to assume that they too eluded
> punishment. Prosecutors failed to file charges against 21 others, because
> of the distinct possibility they would not be convicted.
>
> The Africa Squadron of the United States, ostensibly intended to quash
> this illicit trading at the source, was hardly robust. Based in Cape Verde,
> it was stationed far from the Congo-Angola region used by enslavers—to say
> nothing of similarly hounded Mozambique, on the opposite side of the
> sprawling continent. The Africa Squadron’s placement was akin to basing the
> Los Angeles Police Department’s anti-bank-robbery squad in Racine, Wis. The
> US Navy was incompetent, typically dispatching fewer than five vessels to
> Africa, while London posted about 30. Predictably, from 1843 to 1858, the
> US Navy captured 20 slavers, while during the same period the Royal Navy,
> based more sensibly in Luanda, Angola, captured over 500. Perhaps worse,
> the United States sought vigorously to bar the Royal Navy from searching
> suspected slave ships bearing the Stars and Stripes.
>
> The dictates of monograph writing—hard-pressed publishers seeking to cut
> costs by shrinking page counts, assisted by hawkish peer reviewers eager to
> insist that authors remain in their narrow lane—likely helps to explain why
> Harris’s otherwise informative book does not engage with the strategic
> reasons for this geopolitical fiasco. But the United States’ slothfulness
> in responding to such rampant illegality did serve to deliver an enormous
> gift to its monarchical foe in the form of those African Americans willing
> to take their side.
>
> The eminent Frederick Douglass was among the legions who expressed a love
> for Britain at a time when the two powers were at each other’s throats. But
> Douglass was hardly the first African American to do so: Many of the
> republic’s enslaved people—the greater number of them by far—backed the
> redcoats during the 1776 war for this very reason, opposing the ultimately
> victorious rebels. During the War of 1812 between the United States and
> Britain, enslaved people also defected en masse to the Union Jack,
> including during the sacking of Washington in August 1814, when enslaved
> Africans fled on retreating British vessels to Trinidad and Tobago, where
> they received land grants and where their descendants continue to live.
>
> Perhaps the Yankees realized that this pro-London stance was unlikely to
> last forever and comforted themselves nervously with the thought. Yet there
> was doubtless fear when Douglass announced that “in the event of a British
> army landing in the States and offering liberty to the slaves, [the
> enslaved] would rally round the British at the first tap of the drum.”
>
> In sum, the allegiances of the enslaved were situational. After all, those
> with longer memories may have recalled the Stono Revolt in colonial South
> Carolina in 1739, when the enslaved were assisted by Spanish Florida in the
> bloodiest slave revolt of the colonial era in British North America. Others
> may have recalled the time in the late 16th century when it was Spain’s
> turn to worry, as the maritime John Brown—Jacques Sorie, a French
> corsair—terrorized Madrid’s settlements from South America to the Florida
> Straits by offering freedom to the enslaved. Or that just before the US
> takeover in Florida 200 years ago, the British sponsored the well-armed
> Negro Fort, staffed by Africans and their Indigenous comrades, which was
> the beginning of several decades-long wars, some of the bloodiest fought by
> the US military. Unsurprisingly, as the Stars and Stripes were unfurled on
> the peninsula, a steady stream of ships overflowing with Africans headed
> south to Cuba, unwilling to wager that the allegedly antislavery US
> Constitution would—eventually—reveal itself.
>
> Washington, D.C., had good reason to believe that London was determined to
> harass its former colony and use the enslaved as a bludgeon with which to
> accomplish this ambition, which is often what London did. In 1858, it
> placed a “man of color,” Sir James Douglas, as its chief executive in
> British Columbia, inducing many Africans—enslaved and otherwise—to flee
> there and to other sites along the elongated border with Canada just as
> Washington sought to claim the vast Oregon Territory.
>
> Hastening the scurrying of Texas into the Union was the fear that Britain
> was determined to create yet another Haiti in the Lone Star State, thus
> jeopardizing neighboring Louisiana and Arkansas and the slave-holding South
> as a whole. Circling the wagons around fellow republicans was thought by
> the US government to be a way to guarantee this fate would not befall what
> became a bulwark of secession. It also helped convince the otherwise
> audacious Texans that the better part of wisdom was in joining the
> like-minded Yankees and liquidating their own imperiled independence.
>
> The British were hardly a pristine ally of the oppressed. At the same time
> that the officialdom in Whitehall was denouncing republican pretensions in
> the United States with full-throated fieriness, redcoats were repressing
> South Asians as a result of the Sepoy Revolt in 1857. But wrestling with
> this contradiction was hardly unique to the enslaved and their allies.
> Strategic flexibility is almost always an unavoidable reality when
> confronting humanity’s forms of barbarism.
>
> While Harris occasionally considers this strategic flexibility and the
> countless heroic African Americans who were largely responsible for
> sabotaging the republic’s—and New York City’s—dirty role in sustaining this
> bondage, he could have written more about African American resistance,
> especially in Manhattan itself. Consider, for example, the heroic David
> Ruggles, who was a one-man battering ram against actual and potential
> enslavers. Ruggles, a mariner—a labor force that often included the most
> militant of proletarians—applied the organizing acumen he learned at sea to
> the abolitionist movement, which in turn embodied the truism that the
> working class as a whole could not be liberated if African Americans in the
> republic were branded with the indelible badge of inferiority.
> Unsurprisingly, the mass struggle for an eight-hour workday, and the
> liftoff of unions more generally, only occurred after the abolition of
> slavery.
>
> Nevertheless, Harris does illuminate some of the dilemmas that today face
> those seeking to resist the poisonous legacy of slavery. Though dimly
> understood, even by those who consider themselves class warriors, class
> struggle—often emblazoned in a blindingly fierce anti-racism—has
> characterized the travails of enslaved Africans in North America from the
> start of their resistance and was given even fiercer determination as a
> result of the illegal slave trade. Perhaps the harshest, most cruelly
> antagonistic and draconian of class relationships is that between the
> enslaved and the slaveholder. As such, the class struggle of the enslaved
> has shaped the contours of this land, defining not only resistance to
> slavery but, ultimately, the political configuration that continues to this
> very day.
>
> When, in the 1520s, the Spanish dispatched a complement of the enslaved
> from their perch in Santo Domingo to the region stretching north from
> Florida, the enslaved had other plans: Recognizing their common class
> interests with local Native groups, they revolted with their Indigenous
> comrades and chased the would-be settlers back to the Caribbean. When, by
> 1607, the English had established a foothold in the land they called
> Virginia, the Spanish due south wanted to intervene but were too busy
> fighting the Africans and their Indigenous allies once again in Florida. In
> short, class struggle by the enslaved helps to explain why today we are
> communicating in English.
>
> Alternatively, settler colonialism—a phrase curiously missing from the
> vocabularies of many of those who consider themselves radical in the United
> States—was also a product of class collaboration from its inception. At the
> behest of the English crown, small businessmen, tailors, goldsmiths,
> teachers, and others arrived in the land to be known as North Carolina in
> the 1580s. Sponsoring those who arrived in 1607 were grandees, including
> leaders of the East India Company—London’s vector of exploitation in South
> Asia—and various pillagers of West Africa.
>
> This class collaboration between the grandees and the hoi polloi reached
> its ultimate expression during the Civil War, when nonslaveholders were the
> main fighting force for the so-called Confederate States of America, which
> sought to destroy the republic in order to maintain slavery. The shedding
> of their blood for enslavers was not altogether an expression of misplaced
> class interest, since many of the common soldiers sought to become
> enslavers or thought that maintaining their castelike privilege was
> something worth defending. Yet a victory would have meant a further
> downward pressure on wages and working conditions driven by slavery. This
> dastardly display illustrates that class collaboration can often take the
> form of the highest stage of white supremacy, and vice versa.
> Correspondingly, no more dramatic example of class struggle can be found
> than that of tens of thousands of formerly enslaved people fighting with
> arms in hand in order to terminate slavery and remain “forever free.”
>
> Similarly, in New York City, as Harris suggests, during the heyday of the
> illicit slave trade, the perpetrators relied heavily not only on older
> mercantile interests but also on working-class Euro-Americans, as evidenced
> by the racist “draft riots” of 1863, when a deadly revolt unfolded,
> ostensibly against conscription, that amounted to a bloody anti-Black
> pogrom.
>
> Today, this supposed odd coupling of economic royalists and commoners
> manifests itself in the remaining strongholds of conservatism in the city’s
> five boroughs—from the Upper East Side of Manhattan to the mostly red
> Staten Island. Unsurprisingly, campaign donations and foot soldiers for
> Trumpism have emerged from these two areas. Equally unsurprisingly, the
> vanguard of the US electorate—descendants of the enslaved—emerges from
> those marinated in class struggle, who vote against the right wing at rates
> as high as 9 to 1. Meanwhile, the working class is split, as some persist
> in believing that the clock of history can be put into reverse and that a
> system that once expropriated the Indigenous of their land, frequently on
> behalf of less affluent Euro-Americans, can be restored.
>
> Not long after the guns of war roared at Fort Sumter, Nathaniel Gordon of
> Maine was the first (and only) slave trader executed pursuant to US law,
> and with the Civil War on, the Union finally moved to match London with a
> treaty facilitating a further crackdown on this ugly business, especially
> in New York, with Secretary of State (and former New York governor) William
> Seward sagely informing Abraham Lincoln that this was “the most important
> act of your life and of mine.”
>
> Neither the Emancipation Proclamation nor the successful prosecution of
> the Civil War necessarily vitiates this extraordinary claim, and Harris’s
> smoothly written, well-researched book provides further credence for the
> proposition, illuminating an often forgotten yet crucially important
> chapter in US history in which the republic continued to support and
> promote the Atlantic slave trade after it had been declared illegal. But
> another important theme in this history also emerges from his book: that a
> divided working class, fractured along the lines of those involved in class
> struggle and those in class collaboration, can hardly prosper, just as a
> nation can hardly exist half slave and half free, as Lincoln once argued.
> Harris’s timely tome helps clarify why this is so and helps remind us why,
> in today’s republic, uplifting organized labor—especially those in the
> ranks thought to bear the badges and indicia of inferiority—remains a
> pressing priority.
>
> Gerald Horne is the author of books on slavery, socialism, popular
> culture, and
> 
>
>


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