Ten years after the popular uprising in Syria
by Joseph Daher, International Viewpoint, April 5
https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article7094

Ten years after the beginning of the Syrian popular uprising, the regime
now rules over more than 70% of the country’s territory. Assisted by
Russia, Iran, Lebanon’s Hezbollah and other confessional and reactionary
militias, Damascus has crushed the initial uprising and largely won what
had progressively devolved into a regional and international war. However,
the Syrian regime faces enormous socio-economic challenges which are far
from being overcome.
 . . .

The various counter-revolutionary actors all helped crush the Syrian
uprising. While we should not shy away from blaming the defeat on these
forces, we must also examine and criticize the mistakes and shortcomings of
the Syrian opposition.

The various leftist groups were too weak after decades of repression at the
hands of the regime to constitute an organized democratic and progressive
independent pole. As a result, the opposition to Assad failed to present a
viable political alternative that could galvanize the popular classes and
oppressed groups.

The failure to address the questions stands out in particular on two main
issues: women and Kurds. In both cases, wide sectors of the Syrian
opposition reproduced discriminatory and exclusionary policies against
these groups, alienating key forces that would have been crucial to unite
against the regime.

To win against the Assad regime the opposition would have had to combine
struggles against autocracy, exploitation and oppression. If it had raised
democratic demands as well as demands in the interests of all workers and
those for Kurdish self-determination and women’s liberation it would have
been in a much stronger positions to build much deeper and more extensive
solidarity among the social forces in the Syrian revolution.

Another weakness of the opposition was the weak development of mass class
organization and progressive political organization. The revolts in Tunisia
and Sudan demonstrate the importance of mass trade union organizations such
as the Tunisian UGTT and the Sudanese Professional Associations in cohering
successful mass struggle.

Similarly, feminist mass organizations have been of particular significance
in Tunisia and Sudan for promoting women’s rights and winning democratic
and socio-economic rights, even if they remain fragile and not fully
consolidated. Syrian revolutionaries did not have these organized forces in
place or at the same level of mass organizations, weakening the movement,
and they will be essential to construct for future struggles.
 . . .


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