Referring to the PYD, Jim Kovpak says:

"Limited military cooperation with the regime and a disdain for taking 
offensive actions against it also eroded trust and led many to believe it was a 
regime ally".

The PYD's stated policy was not to initiate military conflict with anyone, but 
to fight in self-defence. They did not trust either the regime or the rebels, 
given that some rebel groups were opposed to Kurdish demands for autonomy 
and/or opposed to women's liberation and/or religiously sectarian and/or 
dependent on the Turkish state.

It was not only the PYD who distrusted the opposition.  Some small Kurdish 
parties that had joined the Syrian National Council (the Turkey-based 
opposition coalition) became disillusioned and withdrew in March 2012 (i.e. 
well before the PYD-led Rojava uprising of July 2012), due to the SNC's refusal 
to support Kurdish autonomy.

Rojava soon came under attack from various Turkish-backed groups.  Later the 
YPG/YPJ and SDF went on the offensive against such groups.

There have also been some clashes with Assad regime forces, but not on the same 
scale.

Chris Slee

________________________________
From: [email protected] <[email protected]> on behalf of mkaradjis . 
<[email protected]>
Sent: Monday, 5 April 2021 11:57 PM
To: [email protected] <[email protected]>
Subject: [marxmail] The fall of Rojava: hard lessons learned


https://www.nihilist.li/2019/10/26/the-fall-of-rojava-hard-lessons-learned/

Several weeks ago, Louis sent a link to a new publication by anarchist and 
anti-authoritarian leftist activists from the former Soviet bloc, 'The 
Nihlist'. On their English language page, they have a very refreshing article 
on the Rojava experience - refreshing in that it is both strongly supportive of 
the genuine achievements in Rojava, while also being strongly critical where 
criticism is due, principally in the PYD's attitude to the rest of the Syrian 
revolutionary uprising. It also draws some interesting conclusions, though not 
all are necessarily realistic in my view.

This excerpt the section on the critique of the PYD:

"Having laid out these accomplishments, it’s important to study the mistakes 
made by the PYD and the international left that supported them.

5. One of the first mistakes of the international left was either ignoring the 
Syrian revolution, or worse, actively embracing the criminal regime of Bashar 
al Assad. Those who did the latter entered into a de facto alliance with a 
literally fascist regime that is the sweetheart of the global far-right, and 
despite ideological differences both sides repeated the same propaganda often 
from the same sources. Although the PYD had already started establishing 
control over territory in 2012, many Western leftists did not take notice until 
several years after 2014, when the group first became heavily engaged by IS at 
Kobane. Few seemed to do the necessary work to look back on the start of the 
revolution in order to get a full understanding of what was happening. This has 
led to some embarrassing situations, such as leftists calling for a No Fly Zone 
to protect the Kurds now, while attacking the same idea as «warmongering» or 
«starting World War III» when it was suggested earlier in the war to protect 
civilians from the Assad regime and Russia’s indiscriminate bombing. Today 
innocent civilians in the Kurdish-controlled territory are suffering the 
results of the world ignoring the same scenes when they were happening for 
years in Ghouta, Deraa, Aleppo, and Idlib. We must never again allow such 
hypocrisy.

6. Early in the war, Assad felt most threatened by the democratic, 
non-sectarian uprisings, and he and his allies set out to divide the opposition 
along ethnic and sectarian lines. With respect to Kurds, this was accomplished 
by pulling out most regime security forces, giving the PYD and its allies de 
facto control over their territory. More crucially, the regime continued 
payments to the territories which helped alleviate the burdens of maintaining 
society. This support is one major reason why Rojava cannot be seen as a 
stateless or autonomous society, as it had significant dependence on the 
regime. This situation led to political clashes with non-Kurdish opposiiton, 
especially Sunni Arabs, who saw the PYD as being allied with the regime. 
Limited military cooperation with the regime and a disdain for taking offensive 
actions against it also eroded trust and led many to believe it was a regime 
ally. This perception was also perpetuated by the treatment of some Free Syrian 
Army units which had allied themselves with the YPG/YPJ but later fell out of 
favor with the group. In the PYD’s defense, it is very possible that the 
group’s latter approach to the regime might have had more to do with US policy 
than its own desires. The US was for the most part adamant about groups 
receiving military aid fighting only IS and not the regime, as the Obama admin 
never had much faith in the revolution from the beginning and by 2013 the 
consensus in DC was that Assad would have to stay.

7. Unfortunately due to its conflict with some elements of the FSA, and despite 
its continuing alliance with some FSA or former FSA units, PYD propaganda often 
cast all other FSA groups as jihadists, allied with jihadists, or few in number 
and without influence relative to jihadist factions. This narrative blended 
perfectly with the propaganda of the regime and Russia; even though it was not 
explicitly pro-Assad as in the case of the latter, it did still implicitly 
supported the regime’s narrative about its opponents. Moreover, the blanket 
jihadist label was an Islamophobic, racist trope which was largely responsible 
for the shameful lack of solidarity between leftists and the revolution at 
large."

https://www.nihilist.li/2019/10/26/the-fall-of-rojava-hard-lessons-learned/





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