[Edited Message Follows]

Please excuse the rather glaring date mistake--I wrote those lines when 
preparing for a colonoscopy and there was evidently some leakage.

The actual discussion of the 1619 project has AFAIK a fair number of key 
points, some of which turn on points of history whereof I have to remain silent.

At the very least it seems to me that we are challenged in going beyond narrow 
Eurocentric traditions, to rethink the value of the ideology--chattel property 
of every Ku Kluxer and cracker-barrel crackpot in the USA--of "individual 
liberty."  This operation must necessarily also challenge familiar US left-wing 
perspectives, which usually include a hefty dose of raw romantic individualism 
along with whatever socialist honey they may employ to disguise the flavor.

As far as "liberty" is concerned, the term has appeared and been misused in the 
revolutionary context since Roman times (assuming we can still refer a 
historical timeline running through ancient Rome). Spartacus used the Latin 
term as did his diametrical opposite in most respects Sergius Catilina, who 
rebelled against the Roman Republic in Cicero's time as a throttle on the 
liberties of the then-declining patrician class.  Surely the forebears of 
"Anglo-Saxon" America can have been no less ambiguous in their use of the term.

Samuel Johnson, who--except for his intelligence--was the archetypal British 
Tory, spoke with scorn in his pamphlet "Taxation No Tyranny" (1775) of the 
would-be colonial planter g e ntry: “We are told, that the subjection of 
Americans may tend to the diminution of our own liberties; an event, which none 
but very perspicacious politicians are able to foresee. If slavery be thus 
fatally contagious, how is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among 
the drivers of negroes?”  For all his monolithic perversity, Johnson has a 
point.  The "liberties" referred to of course included the unquestionable 
superiority of real Englishmen from England over mere colonials.  We tend to 
forget that among the English gentry and their apologists until quite recently, 
rank hypocrisy was no vice but a positive and active system of pure morality.  
This had to rankle.

In this sense at least there can be little doubt that at least for a 
substantial number of those supporting the Floundering Bothers the point of 
revolution was to defend slavery, if in no other way than by throwing off what 
to them had become the foreign yoke of British governance and taxation--and the 
hypocritical tendency of English ruling class to look down on the "drivers of 
negroes" as not only far less wealthy but less aristocratic or less worthy of 
admiration than the great English families of the day.

I pass over the anxiety that must have been caused by slave revolts in the new 
world; not only in what would become the US but in Haiti leading up to the 
successful revolution of 1791.  There was also Lord Dunsmore's proclamation of 
liberty for slaves in Virginia in exchange for their support of the British 
cause.

It doesn't take a 1619 Project to see the potential effect of these well-known 
factors. As for us, can we adopt a democratic perspective without genuflecting 
at least to Emerson, Thoreau, and Whitman as well as Madison and Jefferson (and 
Hamilton, who tolerated slavery even in denouncing it--while laying the 
foundations of modern US capitalism)?

The challenge is perhaps to understand at once the systemic character of the 
American ideology of race, which relies for its power to convince on the 
illusion of naturalness apart from social or economic factors. This makes 
racism an ideal vehicle for the theodicy of capitalism, but not a function of 
it.  As Louis Proyect has pointed out, It's entirely possible to have racism, 
sexism, and Eurocentricity under the form of some really existing socialism.  
It's happened before.


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