Based on my own experiences with DSA (limited as they were), this is a lot of 
high-ideals nonsense divorced from the actual material circumstances of our 
political horizon, such as:

-The functional reality of the nonprofit industrial complex within the larger 
eco-sphere of the Democratic Party. Without going too far down the conspiracy 
theory rabbit hole, the fact is that the COINTEL-PRO project reoriented after 
1968 and capital said "Rather than outright killing them, we pay them off!" 
Writers like Jon Jeter have profiled the way that the Black Lives Matter 
leadership hopelessly and permanently compromised themselves by taking big 
capital from outfits like the Ford Foundation;

-The manifestation of the color line in DSA spaces. They are fundamentally 
unable to build viable connections with the Black community. In his recent 
interview with Jane McAlevey 
<https://jacobinmag.com/2021/05/amazon-bessemer-union-campaign-rwdsu-jane-mcalevey>,
 Doug Henwood has a pretty stunning exchange about DSA's strategy in Alabama 
unionizing Amazon:

JM ...If you’re an organizer and there’s a ton of media attention coming, 
you’re hugely distracted by requests to talk to a worker. What does a worker in 
Alabama think about a bunch of Hollywood-liberal-types and Democrats saying 
they should have a union? What is important is to get very serious local 
endorsements for the campaign.

DH: Like clergy and community group leaders?

JM: They had the Democratic Socialists of America.

JM: I do, too. But in Alabama —

DH: — They’re not gonna cut much ice.

JM: One of the flyers I looked at said, “Please come to our community meeting 
supporting the campaign.” A couple of socialist organizations were on it. 
Great, but you’re in Alabama trying to win a campaign. The local community that 
you need are ministers. There was a big issue made about the faith of the 
workers — there’s a lot of faith, they start the meeting with prayers. That’s 
great. So, if faith is important in the campaign, you need local faith leaders 
in the community.
You need to talk to the workers and say, “Oh, whose church [do] you and your 
family attend?” You have to be charting and systematizing: “Oh, which church do 
you go to?” Then you’re also, with your research team, doing a power structure 
analysis parallel to this to figure out which institutions in the community 
have power. Then you’re gonna get the workers themselves to go to their 
minister and say, “We’re in this campaign. It’s getting kind of scary in there. 
It’d be really great if you could write a letter to me and all of us saying you 
stand with the workers and so does God.”

How can one call themselves a historical materialist and ignore THAT?

-The lack of organization that hinders DSA's ability to build a viable 
electoral strategy crossing state lines. From what I have seen, it is really 
just one of two scenarios:
a-Some Sandernista activated by the last few electoral cycles runs and seeks 
the DSA endorsement in exchange for canvassers
b-Some DSA member decides to run for office
But that doesn't really have a concerted strategy for taking power within a 
certain electoral level. The Squad is nowhere near a New Deal coalition. You 
don't have a slate of DSA candidates concentrating to elect a bunch of 
legislators to a single chamber on the municipal, state, or federal level based 
around regional or electoral vote acquisition. Instead, their campaigns are 
basically celebrity gimmicks.

-There are zero consequences or negative outcomes if a DSA candidate breaks 
with the DSA line once elected. I had a rather instructive exchange with a DSA 
leader in Providence recently. He pointed out that the Providence DSA passed 
some resolution condemning AOC for not following through on the Force the Vote 
pledge in the DSA platform. I responded by asking why she should care what DSA 
Providence says at all because her constituents are in NYC, not Providence, and 
not even a fraction of her constituents are DSA members. No response. That's 
demonstrative of the completely upside-down concept of power and accountability 
within DSA that nobody wants to seriously grapple with. Hell, considering the 
amount of death threats and sexist/racist death threats she gets daily, I can 
imagine that AOC might actually welcome "expulsion" from DSA in order to take 
off the heat!

Ultimately DSA has been a lot of earnest, young, and politically-naive 
activists doing canvassing for Democratic primary candidates combined with a 
rather gigantic media PR blitz by Jacobin magazine and its impersonators 
without a lot of serious gains. If you go and read one of the very good books 
on the old CPUSA's relationship with the Black community (DG Kelley's Hammer 
and Hoe, Naison's Communists in Harlem During the Depression, Solomon's Cry Was 
Freedom), you'll see an inverted version of the developments and timeline that 
you've seen with DSA. It is extremely unfortunate because it does have a 
substantial amount of potential due to its membership. But until Sunkara et. 
al. get serious about actually make people accountable once elected and 
consequences for not following through on their platform, it has little chances 
of success.


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