<https://anticapital0.wordpress.com/>
Against Democracy
https://anticapital0.wordpress.com/against-democracy/

Back in the day, after the rate of profit first wobbled and the fell off
the table some 51 years ago (which should tell you all you need to know
about the ultimate inevitable collapse of capitalism, and its cohort, the
permanent crisis); as the bourgeoisie started to get themselves sorted,
deciding that sds (students for a democratic society) was on to something
with “Bring the War Home;” after overthrowing Allende, winning the hearts
and minds of OPEC, and especially after beating back the US strike wave of
1974; after all that, the bourgeoisie presented its once and future attack
on living standards, wages rates, social welfare, racial equality, public
education, on the workers and the poor, as *freedom*, as the defense of the
rights of property against the totalitarian tendencies of “big government.”

Remember that? Probably not, since hopefully you’re not as old as I am. But
I wouldn’t lie to you. Milton Friedman and the Chicago boys were the
theorists of the rights of serial killer mass murderer entrepreneurs, i.e.
the democracy of property-holders; Pinochet was the practice; Chile was the
lab. Democracy at work, motherfuckers: whoever accumulates the most
corpses, wins. Dead majority rules.

Allende himself was a democrat too, but not so good on the practice part,
having attacked and disorganized the cordones, the only institutions
capable of opposing the serial entrepreneurial murderers all decked out in
eagle insignias and sheepskins.

Like those other principles of capital accumulation– supply and demand,
free markets– democracy is a term designed to obscure the class content,
the social relations, at the core of the struggle over wealth, which is
nothing other than time, the time consumed in the reproduction of daily
life. Democracy means anything and nothing. Everyone’s a democrat and no
one is.

Like heroin, democracy’s a near perfect commodity. You’re ready to die for
it and that suits the dealer just fine. You’ve already paid.

As a form of governing, democracy for all is inseparable from its
foundation in the slavery of others, in the private ownership and
commercial trafficking of human lives. Capitalism puts a finer point to it
of course, opting to dispense, (some of the time) with the direct,
immediate, *particular*, unmediated ownership of lives; preferring
some/most of the time the indirect, general, social, *mediated* ownership–
that of ownership of the means of subsistence and the means of producing
the means of subsistence, and through that mediation, the commercial
traffic in human lives. Nuance can’t be overrated when it comes to capital.
Even when the nuance is that of a hammer hitting a nail.

Everybody’s a democrat, like everybody’s middle class, like everybody has
certain inalienable rights, like everybody’s created equal. Until *they’re*
not. Then it becomes an aspiration. *Somebody* wants to be a democrat.
Somebody *wants* to be middle class. Somebody wants inalienable rights.
Somebody wants to be created equal. Then democracy and its democrats are no
longer imperatives, they’re contingencies.

The relations of power, of property and class, shred the ideology of
democracy.

This is where the bereft left steps in; determined to rescue the myths of
democracy from the necessary and necessity of debasement, the bereft left
is committed to constraining, restraining the struggle against capital
within the membranes of democracy.

The bereft left agitates, organizes, struggles for a “movement,” “in the
streets,” to defend “democratic rights,” as if any movement was ever in the
streets to defend democratic rights. As if the history of the opposition to
capital isn’t at essence, and to have the barest shot at success, an
opposition to private property and to the republic for which it stands.

The bereft left democrat demands an end to voter suppression laws and
gerrymandering, claiming “one person, one vote,” as if there’s ever been
any such thing with capitalism; as if there’s ever going to be any such
thing.

The struggle is not about one person, one vote. It’s about one class versus
another. The revolutionist, always more realistic and practical than the
democrat, opposes voter suppression laws not because he/she/we believe in
“being fair”– as if we’d allow a banker or manager or foreman to vote; the
revolutionist opposes voter suppression laws in order to unite the class
against attacks on parts of itself *;* and, as a transitory step, to target
the institutions of the bourgeois order that enact these laws, that uphold
these laws, that execute these laws, *for disempowerment and replacement .*

The bereft left democrat “demands” an end to “police racism and brutality.”
The revolutionist identifies the police as the agency of enforcement for
the racist, brutal nature of capitalism and advocates as a transitory step,
the complete disarming and abolition of the police as a force, and the
arrest of the individuals making up the police.

The bereft left democrat wants a democratic response to immigrant labor.
Maybe a path to citizeship for the undocumented. Certainly humane treatment
of migrants at the borders.

The revolutionist says immigrants are workers, let them in. We want them
here so we can organize them on our side in this battle. No one is illegal.
No one should be arrested or deported for seeking safety and welfare. No
workplace raids. No checking of “papers.”

The bereft left democrats wants a “working class oriented movement for
union power,” ignoring a) the decline in union representation to less than
10 percent of the work force b) the role played by unions in containing the
struggle of workers and preserving the rule of capital c) the need for a
working class movement to transcend, overcome, and overwhelm, the union
form, which form is intrinsically connected to, dependent upon the
fragmentation of the class.

At least in this, the bereft left democrats put the truth to the notion
that the working class “left to its own” can only “produce” a trade union
consciousness. That truth is that trade union consciousness is the “best”
the left democrats, the vanguardists, the parties, can come up with; a
truth that is then imposed upon the working class’s struggle against
capital.

The left democrats raise the banner of a $15 or even a $25 minimum wage,
revealing not just a lack of imagination, but their tacit allegiance to the
capitalist ideology that the wage varies according to the quality and/or
quantity of work.

The revolutionist rejects precisely that capitalist notion, instead pushing
forward the demand that since “one man during an hour is worth just as much
as another man during an hour” (Marx, *The Poverty of Philosophy*); since
all workers sacrifice time to the bourgeoisie’s need for accumulation, all
workers should be compensated at the same and highest rate. Janitors,
computer programmers, child care workers, brain surgeons, locomotive
engineers, teachers– *one big wage* is the transition, the mediation in the
transition to the abolition of the wage system:

*But this idea, that the kinds of labour a worker does have different
value, that he is paid more or less than another worker, is a completely
capitalist invention. The bosses invented it to have another instrument of
political control of the working class. Let’s not forget that the Party and
the unions support this capitalist invention. They accept that the money a
worker gets should be based on the different quality of the work he does…*.

*So it’s clear that the political problem is to attack all the tools of
political control that the boss holds and that he uses to bind the working
class and force us to serve his productive ends and to take part in our own
exploitation. The workers’ weapon for fighting this tool is the refusal of
the wage as compensation for the quantity and quality of work…It’s the
demand for a wage that is no longer fixed by production for the bosses, but
by the material needs of the workers. That is: Equal increase in the base
wage for everyone…*

*[The workers] all want a guaranteed wage that will let them live and they
don’t give a shit about merit increases, increases in the percentage,
variables, etc. That is, all the mechanisms that the bosses with the unions
have invented to tie wages more tightly to exploitation and to divide
workers among themselves*. — Nanni Balestrini, *We Want Everything, *Verso,
2016.

The bereft left democrat plays the allegiance, the supplication, to
democracy like a trump card, or an ID card, or a credential. It’s an
indication of “seriousness,” of “maturity,” of “civility,” and most of all,
“manners.”

In-fucking-deed. Manners are everything when you’re dealing with a ruling
class that uses white phosphorus on people, particularly people of color,
at every opportunity.

The bereft left democrat thinks that by engaging in “democratic struggle,”
the battle for “democratic rights,” class consciousness will inevitably, if
not magically appear, even if such a struggle occurs at the very moment
when “democratic rights” are proving obsolete, archaic, inadequate to the
task of social reproduction.

The bereft left democrats’ belief in democratic demands for democratic
rights during imagined democratic struggles *is* precisely the interior
complement to the pseudo-Marxist notion of “stages theory”– that there is
somehow necessarily an abstract template for the development of society and
social struggle that all must be made to fit.

Stages are a form the content of which is capitulation to capital.

Stages are for actors, poseurs, and democrats. Power is built in the
struggle against all of those.

S.Artesian June 2, 2021


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