NONFICTION

 Two Books on the Bizarreness of Texas

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A Texas Ranger patrols the Alamo, March 2020.
A Texas Ranger patrols the Alamo, March 2020.Credit...Eric Gay/Associated Press

ByChristopher Knowlton

 * NYT, June 8, 2021

*FORGET THE ALAMO*
*The Rise and Fall of an American Myth*
By Bryan Burrough, Chris Tomlinson and Jason Stanford
*A SINGLE STAR AND BLOODY KNUCKLES*
*A History of Politics and Race in Texas*
By Bill Minutaglio

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The columnistMolly Ivins <https://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/01/washington/01ivins.html>, an acerbic critic of her native Texas until her death in 2007, once described politics in the Lone Star State as the “finest form of free entertainment ever invented.” Here are two new cultural and political histories that amply prove her point. Both are works of revisionism that are sure to draw censure from the right for their alleged “correctness,” and yet both are written with conviction by Texas-loving locals. Both manage to wring surprising new truths out of old subjects while telling some tall tales about a very big and very baffling place. One book recounts the folkloric Battle of the Alamo in 1836, the other the loopy history of the Texas Statehouse. The topics they cover fit together as snugly as a pair of soup spoons.

The authors of “Forget the Alamo” —Bryan Burrough <http://www.bryanburrough.com/>,Chris Tomlinson <http://christomlinson.net/>andJason Stanford <https://www.texasmonthly.com/author/jason-stanford/>— are friends who concocted their book’s premise during a breakfast gabfest and then managed to pull this jack rabbit out of a Stetson during the pandemic lockdown. The result requires a tolerance for some lowbrow jocularity, especially in the opening chapters. At one point they state, “There’s really no better way to put it: Santa Anna was/pissed/.” Ahem. But the narrative soon hits its stride, and the story becomes a lively and absorbing one.

The Alamo, it turns out, is the least understood and most often/mis/understood of American battlefields. The true history, the authors note, “remained obscured by a sooty veneer of myth and folklore.” Much of the fun of the book derives from how deftly it strips that varnish off and demolishes the prevailing (white) racist shibboleths — in particular, what the authors call the Heroic Anglo Narrative of Texas history. That version of the story entirely overlooks the central role played by the Tejanos, a local people of Spanish descent who are pictured here much like today’s Kurds, tragically sandwiched between warring empires. The winning side, the Texians, will build their economy using slave labor. Why? Because without the use of human chattel the average cotton or sugar plantation couldn’t possibly turn a profit. Thus the zealous effort to defend the system well before and after Juneteenth 1865, when slavery was theoretically pronounced dead by proclamation at Galveston.

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“Forget the Alamo” divides neatly in half. The first half recounts the events leading up to and through the fiasco at the Alamo, and often reads like a boy’s story of action and adventure, although there is an absence of heroes in the factual version of the tale. For example, Jim Bowie, the knife-wielding pioneer of legend, is revealed to be a slave trader, a swindler and a murderer; William Barret “Buck” Travis is a racist syphilitic who writes in his diary that he has bedded 56 women; the coonskin-capped Davy Crockett emerges as a former U.S. congressman and self-promoter in thrall to his own large ego. Their defense of the fort is not just foolhardy, it’s weirdly suicidal. “They can no longer be the holy trinity of Texas, nor can the Alamo be the Shrine of Texas Liberty,” the authors proclaim with complete justification, drawing their own Travis-like line in the sand.

The book’s second half is a more discursive examination of the ways various groups have exploited the myth of the Alamo, weaponizing it as propaganda, as Sam Houston did when he cried out to his troops to remember the Alamo, or invoking the myth in defense of white supremacy, as was the case with “Texas History Movies <https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/texas-history-movies>,” which was in fact a popular racist comic strip that ran in The Dallas Morning News in the late 1920s; it was later published in book form and for decades distributed free to all Texas seventh graders. Shockingly little serious academic study of this touchy subject occurred until the 1980s.

Predictably, Hollywood played a villainous role in spreading the false narrative of the old fort, notably through John Wayne, who used the subject to indulge in his own hypermasculine version of nationalism. In 1960 Wayne produced, directed and starred in a nearly three-hour $12 million epic called, fittingly,“The Alamo,”<https://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/1000560-alamo/reviews>in which he played Davy Crockett. The result was, in Texas parlance, horse pucky — and a bomb at the box office. The book ends with an amusing account of the state’s farcical effort to build a $450 million museum to house a collection of Alamo antiquities compiled by the British pop star Phil Collins that includes an ammo pouch once used by Crockett to load “Old Betsy” and a Bowie knife, allegedly bought for $1.5 million. The authors make a convincing case that the most important items are of dubious, if not fraudulent, provenance.

In “A Single Star and Bloody Knuckles,”Bill Minutaglio <http://www.billminutaglio.com/>, a Texas journalist with a saddlebag of books to his name, takes a decade-by-decade look at Texas politics, placing particular emphasis on events at the Statehouse and its succession of unlikely governors, but digressing to include other key players in the story like Sam Rayburn and Barbara Jordan. He begins with General Order No. 3, announcing Emancipation in Galveston at the end of the Civil War, and moves through to the present. Smoothly tackling this near-herculean research task, he keeps the sweat stains from showing and writes in prose as cool as a trout stream.

Texas, from its earliest days, championed a form of swashbuckling free enterprise that minimized the regulatory touch of government. Even today, the Legislature convenes for only a maximum of 140 days every other year. Business oversight and federal interference have been anathema from the outset. In the immediate post-Civil War years, plantation owners pivoted toward sharecropping and a/patrón/system that turned freed slaves into impoverished indentured servants with no ability to vote. Further crimes against humanity appeared later in the form of the cruel convict-leasing system that was used to build the roads and railroads across the state’s vast interior. And then big oil gurgles up into the story: “A maze of miles of pipes, a metallic Oz of roaring tanks, flares, hoses, storage tanks and train tracks, was growing on the shallow bays and marshes that a few decades earlier had been mostly devoid of human presence, except for the crab collectors and oyster men pushing their flat-bottomed boats past the great blue herons.”


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Back at the Statehouse in Austin, Minutaglio debunks a succession of the deplorables who clearly deserve it. A memorable pair are the husband-and-wife griftersPa and Ma Ferguson <https://www.ntcc.edu/sites/default/files/2018-11/Honors%20Essay%20-%20Ma%20and%20Pa%20Ferguson%20by%20Morgan%20Capps.pdf>, who together serve three terms (1915-17, 1925-27, 1933-35) and dispense pardons like gumdrops to felons — for a modest stipend, of course. Then there is “Pass the Biscuits” Pappy O’Daniel, a flour magnate with a folksy manner who exploits the new technology of radio and a populist message to propel himself into the governor’s chair in 1939, in much the way our 45th president used Twitter to troll a path to the White House. Minutaglio also profiles interesting, if lesser-known, political actors, especially among the Latino community, admirable figures like the journalist and educatorJovita Idár <https://www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/jovita-idar>and the organizerEmma Tenayuca <https://www.nps.gov/people/emma-tenayuca.htm>, who raised political awareness and encouraged activism in San Antonio, where votes had been suppressed or elections rigged for generations.

The book might have been better had it ended in the 1970s, before Minutaglio interjects himself more directly into the narrative. Still, he is strong on the parabolic career of Gov. Ann Richards and on the roles that Lee Atwater and Karl Rove played in the miraculous makeovers of the two George Bushes before their runs for the White House. When Minutaglio visits various cemeteries around the state to examine the gravestones of Texas luminaries, he writes movingly of the nearby “hanging” trees where not many years before, horrific tortures and lynchings drew large crowds.

The stoking of white nationalism and the promoting of voter suppression are all-too-familiar tropes in our politics — as American as rancid apple pie. These two books can’t change those facts, but they may succeed at altering the way we view them.



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