The government funded beach construction for private developers, which
displaced Black farmers from their coastal lands.
https://daily.jstor.org/how-the-beaches-of-the-south-got-there/

For many people, summer means days spent at idyllic beaches that stretch
along the coastline of the American South. But as historian Andrew W. Kahrl
writes, *Americans haven’t always seen southern coasts as attractive places*
<https://www.jstor.org/stable/26220225?mag=how-the-beaches-of-the-south-got-there>
.

At the start of the twentieth century, Kahrl writes, shorelines were the
South’s “most forsaken and forgotten lands.” They were unsuited to most
agricultural purposes, prone to violent storms, and covered in forests
where dangerous animals lived. But developers were beginning to see the
promise in creating seaside getaways.

One barrier standing in their way was Black farmers, many of whom had been
relegated to the less-fertile land near the ocean. By the 1920s,
nightriders were burning Black-owned homes across the coastal South and
warning African Americans to sell their land. Local jumps in real estate
values were accompanied by increased racial terrorism.

Some Black locals responded with their own development plans. In 1923, a
group of Black doctors, lawyers, and ministers bought Shell Island, North
Carolina, and turned it into a resort.

“After three successful seasons, it suffered a series of fires ‘of
undetermined origin’ that eventually forced investors to cut their losses
and abandon the property, thus restoring the ‘color line’ in North
Carolina’s coastal real estate market,” Kahrl writes.

To make their plans work, developers didn’t just need land. They needed
help from the federal government, which soon obliged. It built roads and
bridges to remote areas. And, in the 1930s and ’40s, lobbyists from the
American Shore and Beach Preservation Association persuaded federal
officials to fund projects fortifying beaches against storms and floods.
Some Army Corps of Engineers officials protested, in vain, that it wasn’t
their job to protect private property from the forces of nature.

Beyond protecting the beaches, Kahrl writes, the federal government soon
found itself responsible for replenishing them with sand and even building
new beaches. For example, in 1945, Virginia Beach, Virginia, was a small
resort town, many of whose year-round residents were Black farmers. By
1965, it was the state’s largest city. The change was largely thanks to the
city, state, and federal governments, which spent tens of millions of
dollars turning its wild, unstable coastline into a long white-sands beach.
(As natural ocean activity washes the sand away, it must still be
*replenished*
<https://www.vbgov.com/government/departments/communications-office/fact-or-fiction/Pages/beach-replenishment.aspx>
 frequently.)

Over time, government agencies embraced their pro-development mission. In a
1964 report, “Land Against the Sea,” the Army Corps of Engineers declared
that “our campaign against the encroachment of the sea must be waged with
the same care that we would take against any other enemy threatening our
boundaries.”

And in 1968, the National Flood Insurance Program began subsidizing the
insurance of private coastal property against predictable, periodic floods,
encouraging new development. The Sun Belt boom of the next few decades was
a testament to that program, and the continuing collaboration between
developers and the government.

“Few places benefited more from the power of an activist state to fuel the
growth and development of private industry,” Kahrl writes.


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