As Mark Baugher pointed out, the Jacobin criticism of degrowth is not a
class analysis. It makes several correct criticisms of degrowth, the
unreflective reliance on "redistribution," the often uncritical adoption of
assumptions from orthodox economics, and the lack of a theory of political
transformation. Unfortunately, Driscoll's "theory of political
transformation" involves foregoing political transformation and making
alliances around the fantasy business-as-usual but ecologically
sustainable. There is no such thing.

What Driscoll offers in lieu of class analysis is the "structural leverage"
of "organized workers in strategic sectors like electricity and auto." What
does that even mean? Sixty years ago,  André Gorz put forward a "strategy
for labor" that advocated the adoption by unions of demands that addressed
environmental and social issues. From time to time there are wins. But
these are often in areas where it doesn't cost the employer in exchange for
good public relations. Often social and environmental demands become
bargaining chips that are withdrawn when a suitable wage and benefit
package is negotiated.

Organized workers in the electricity and auto sectors are not the
"revolutionary proletariat." Pretending they are is not a strategy for
political transformation. Sixteen years after publishing his *Stratégie
Ouvrière et Néocapitalisme, *Gorz bid *Adieu au Proletariat. *Gorz had not
abandoned the idea of radical social transformation but had come to see the
conventional assumption of the *industrial* working class as the subject of
history as no longer applicable -- if it had ever been -- to late 20th
century capitalism.

Cheers,

Tom Walker (Sandwichman)


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