https://www.democracynow.org/2024/4/17/sudan_1_year_khalid_mustafa_medani 

 

One Year into War, Sudan Wracked by World’s Largest Displacement and Hunger 
Crises 

 

Democracy Now!/April 17, 2024 

 

[Excerpt Below]

 

*****

 

Welcome back to Democracy Now! It’s great to have you here in studio in New 
York, Professor. If you can start off by telling us where Sudan stands, one 
year after the war erupted? 

 

KHALID MUSTAFA MEDANI: Well, first of all, thank you, Amy, for having me on the 
show. It’s a real honor. Thank you for your coverage of Sudan. 

 

I think that where we stand is an unbelievable kind of, what the Doctors 
Without Borders have called, a failure of humanity. I think that there are very 
few crises in the world historically, including in Africa, where there’s been 
such an acceleration, in just one year, of the kind of devastation that you 
just itemized — 9 million displaced internally, over a million across the 
borders, the seven borders of Sudan, mostly in Chad, Egypt and South Sudan, and 
the complete destruction of the infrastructure.

 

In addition to that, in December of last year, something occurred that has 
accelerated the famine, basically — not just food insecurity, but the expansion 
of the famine. And that is the attack on the Gezira state in central Sudan, 
which really produces over 60% of the agricultural products of the country.

 

In addition to that, of course, there are 70% of the hospitals that are 
destroyed. The educational system has completely collapsed.

 

And so, the acceleration of this kind of devastation, I don’t think we’ve seen 
since perhaps maybe the genocide in Rwanda. And I think that compounding that, 
for those of us, of course, concerned about the situation, is the lack of 
attention to the conflict. Of course, eyes are elsewhere, but that has been a 
really problematic aspect of this conflict so far.

 

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Professor, you remarked that this is a war that doesn’t 
have support for either side among the Sudanese people. Could you talk about 
that and also the roots of this conflict, going back to the revolution of 2017 
and 2018, how that informed these current warring parties? 

 

KHALID MUSTAFA MEDANI: Yeah, absolutely. I think one of the very kind of unique 
aspects of this particular war, and local Sudanese have insisted, including in 
Darfur, one of the most ravaged regions, that this is not a civil war, that 
this is essentially a war between two generals: on the one side, Abdel Fattah 
al-Burhan, who’s the head of the Sudan Armed Forces, on the other side, the 
militia leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti. And whereas, in 
general, civil wars are characterized by, you know, two groups with some kind 
of significant constituency and civil society supporting one side or the other, 
in this particular case, the war has absolutely no legitimacy in civil society 
and no real constituency for either side. And that, I think, is unique in the 
history of conflicts in Africa and, I would argue, elsewhere. 

 

The reason for that has very much to do with what you said, and that is the 
genesis and the root of the war really is the revolution of 2018, 2019, that 
many people followed throughout the world. And what was unique about that 
particular pro-democracy revolution is that it encompassed the entire country. 
It wasn’t just in the urban areas. It wasn’t just in the rural areas. It wasn’t 
just middle-class Sudanese. But Sudanese across social classes, Sudanese across 
regions, across ethnicities, rose up in late 2018 as a result of implementation 
of economic policies that raised the price of consumer goods, and it expanded 
over a six-month period, leading, as you probably know, to the downfall and the 
ouster of an authoritarian regime led by Omar al-Bashir that lasted for 30 
years and had conducted or executed three different wars in the country.

 

That is really the genesis, for viewers and listeners to understand, because 
this war is essentially a war against that revolution. It’s a war against the 
Sudanese people. Both of these generals, while they have a great deal of 
competition over resources, over political power, have one thing in common, and 
that is their fear of this kind of revolutionary potential, and their, 
essentially, fear of Sudanese civil society. That’s why, in addition to all of 
the kind of devastation that we’ve been talking about, a key aspect of the 
targeting has been civilians. Civilians, of course, have been the greatest 
victims, and not just randomly. I’m talking about not only doctors and 
journalists, but also activists and those members of what we call in Sudan and 
are well known to be the grassroots resistance committees that led the 
revolution. Those people are either being targeted and killed or expelled from 
the country or forced to leave the country. And so, that becomes a really 
important aspect of the root of this particular kind of conflict in Sudan.

 

*****

 



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