A feature article in The Globe and Mail on June 15 (paywalled, below is full
text) reported on the public controversy over a student pro-Palestine “open
letter” and its ramifications. “Corporate law reporter” Robyn Doolittle
casts her report in the framework of determining “the line between hate
speech and free speech – and who gets to decide?” But as it reveals, at
bottom the conflict was one between fundamentally opposing political
perspectives, as confirmed by the findings of the judge assigned by Toronto
Metropolitan University to conduct an external review of whether the student
letter breached the university’s code of conduct. His conclusion: “The
letter may be troubling and offensive to many, but it was not antisemitic.
He noted that students had intended to criticize Israel, not Jewish people.
He concluded the comments were protected under the university’s Statement on
Freedom of Speech, which provides students with wide latitude to explore
ideas.” A major victory for the students, and for Palestine. – Richard  

Here
<https://www.torontomu.ca/content/dam/report-release/TMU%20External%20Review
%20Report%20dated%20May%2031,%202024.pdf> ’s the external review by Justice
MacDonald

 

How a student petition on Gaza tore through Lincoln Alexander Law School and
the wider legal world

 

When war erupted in Gaza, some TMU law students signed an incendiary
statement about who was to blame. Then came the backlash – and an
existential crisis about their school’s mission

The Globe and Mail (Ottawa/Quebec Edition)15 Jun 2024

ROBYN DOOLITTLE CORPORATE LAW REPORTER

 

When a new law school in Toronto opened its doors in September, 2020, its
brochure promised an unapologetically “progressive” legal education. Ryerson
Law, as it was then called, embraced diversity, equity and inclusion.
Technology would be central. The curriculum included professional
placements, so students would graduate ready to be working lawyers. At its
core, this new school – soon to be renamed the Lincoln Alexander School of
Law at Toronto Metropolitan University – promised to change the status quo.

 

“We are ready to engage with the most challenging legal issues of our time,”
dean Donna Young, the only Black woman leading one of Canada’s 24 law
schools, said at the launch ceremony.

 

Three years later, those tenets were put to the test with the Oct. 7 Hamas
attack on Israel, during which about 1,200 people were killed and some 250
taken hostage. Amidst the immediate outpouring of international support for
Israel, student activists at Lincoln Alexander worried that a history of
Palestinian suffering was being overlooked.

 

Given the school’s founding principles, they urged their administration to
speak out – and break with the conventional wisdom that universities should
keep quiet on political matters. Similar demands were being made at
universities across Canada and the United States. Lincoln Alexander refused,
and as the days went by, tensions grew on campus.

 

On Friday, Oct. 20, the students sent the dean a petition calling on Lincoln
Alexander to drop its “neutral” position.

 

The letter writers declared that “‘Israel’ is not a country,” but a colonial
and genocidal state. They characterized the events of Oct. 7 as a war crime,
but also expressed support for “all forms of Palestinian resistance.” They
argued that the Hamas attack was a direct result of “Israel’s 75-year-long
systemic campaign to eradicate Palestinians.”

 

Altogether, 73 students and one alum signed – a sixth of the law school.
More than half had used an anonymous moniker such as “Student in
Solidarity,” but 36 signed with their full names.

 

By Sunday – 48 hours after its creation – screenshots of the petition had
gone viral on social media, inciting waves of vitriol against Lincoln
Alexander and its students. Signatories were doxxed and told they would
never get jobs.

 

“I certainly wouldn’t hire any of these students and the fact some choose to
‘show’ their solidarity by keeping their name hidden means I’d have to write
off hiring anyone from years 1-3 from the current crop at @LincAlexLawTMU,”
Toronto lawyer Jeff Hershberg tweeted that night.

 

In the days that followed, the story made national headlines. Donors dropped
funding. Law firms that offered student placements withdrew from the
program. And the school’s dean and TMU’s president were inundated with irate
messages accusing TMU of enabling antisemitism.

 

Among the students, those who weren’t involved were furious that their
degree and job prospects might be tainted. Some Jewish students felt
ostracized. The signatories believed their administration had abandoned them
to online harassment.

 

Over the last two months, The Globe and Mail has interviewed dozens of
people connected to the controversy – faculty and staff, prominent lawyers
and law firm leaders, spurned donors and students on all sides of the issue.
Hundreds of documents have been reviewed, including internal TMU e-mails,
donor complaint letters and Bay Street memos, collected from the people
involved as well as through multiple freedom of information requests.

 

This investigation’s discoveries raise some of the most pressing questions
of the moment: Where is the line between hate speech and free speech – and
who gets to decide? What capacity do organizations and institutions have to
tolerate different political perspectives? And how do we make room for
growth and mistakes in a world where anything can end up on the unforgiving
internet?

 

For Lincoln Alexander, the petition has forced the question of whether it’s
possible for an institution such as a law school to be truly different.
Student-led Palestinian solidarity protests have spread across campuses in
the United States and Canada, challenging university leadership. But
activism in a law school presents a unique challenge for both students and
administrators, who inhabit two worlds: the academic one, where free speech
and academic inquiry are paramount, and the legal one, where there are
professional consequences for speech that could tarnish a firm’s reputation
with clients.

 

This is the story of how a three-page letter written by a group of
twentysomething students led to a crisis not only at one law school, but in
the Canadian legal world at large.

 

R is a student who signed her name and she would do it again today. (The
Globe interviewed about a dozen signatories; some will be identified with an
initial and others have been kept confidential, as many have received death
threats.)

 

She found activism in high school, volunteering in the areas of harm
reduction and gender-based violence. She decided to become a lawyer to fix
the justice system’s problems from the inside. Only one law school
interested her: Lincoln Alexander, named for the history-making lawyer who,
in 1968, became the first Black person elected to the House of Commons and
later Canada’s first Black cabinet minister. “I’ve done work with people who
are unhoused, incarcerated, on bail – people who are the most
disenfranchised by the justice system,” R said. “TMU marketed themselves as
a place to do that work.”

 

But just weeks into law school, R says she felt duped. In one of her
classes, she was asked to write a sentencing brief for someone charged with
a drug-related offence. R wrote an analysis about why the accused should
serve no jail time and instead receive care. She says the professor nearly
failed her.

 

After Oct. 7, R and many of her classmates felt that their law school should
publicly support Palestinians. The students were told the university doesn’t
make political statements, but they pushed back: If Lincoln Alexander meant
all the things it had said in its marketing, it had a duty to speak up.

 

Meanwhile, Jewish students and faculty were also pressuring the
administration to release a statement condemning Hamas and expressing
solidarity with the Jewish people. They relied on the same argument – that
Lincoln Alexander’s commitment to equity meant it had to be vocal. The
school stayed firm. On Oct. 11, it released an internal e-mail to the school
community that acknowledged a loss of life in both “Israel and Palestine.”
It called for “peace and justice” and advised students to engage in
discourse with “humility,

 

empathy, respect, and professionalism.”

 

The statement left many unhappy.

 

On campus, the conflict was coming up in some classrooms. Jewish students
reported that the conversation could be one-sided and made them
uncomfortable. Complaints were also filed about Jewish professors for a
variety of reasons. With each passing day, horrifying images of dead
children – killed in Israel’s retaliatory strikes in Gaza – were being
posted to Instagram and TikTok. As were the faces of the 250 hostages, who
included babies and preschoolers.

 

Throughout this fraught period, students were glued to social media, taking
note – and often screenshots – of what their classmates and professors were
liking, posting and resharing.

 

Then one of the school’s senior administrators, associate dean Sari Graben,
retweeted messages from the Israel Defence Forces. She also reposted a
comment that remarked how quickly the world was to doubt Jewish claims of
terrorism, while accepting Hamas’s word at face value.

 

Some students were enraged.

 

To them, an associate dean promoting these messages was tantamount to the
administration taking a side. But from the law school’s perspective, Ms.
Graben was posting from her personal account and the comments were protected
speech.

 

A meeting was scheduled between the deans and some students. Ms. Graben did
not apologize for the posts, but agreed to take them down, because – she
explained later to The Globe in an e-mail – she felt it was her job as an
academic leader to be responsive to student concerns and to “bring a sense
of calm dialogue to very complex geopolitical issues” that impact everyone.
Students left the meeting feeling their concerns weren’t being taken
seriously.

 

This seems to have been the tipping point. A group of like-minded students
launched a letter-writing campaign to Ms. Young. Next, a small student club
called the Abolitionist Organizing Collective decided to put the concerns in
a petition.

 

On Oct. 20, the student club posted the draft in a Google document and sent
the link to classmates through group chats, text messages and socialmedia
direct messages: “SIGN THIS LETTER if you wish to demand that the LASL
administration unequivocally stand in solidarity with Palestine!”

 

That same day, the club sent the petition to Ms. Young. Unbeknownst to most
of the signatories, the club characterized the document as an “open letter.”

 

M, a signee and a member of the Abolitionist Organizing Collective, said the
language in the petition is drawn from sources such as Human Rights Watch
and the United Nations. The document does cite various UN reports, but in a
sign of the times, it also footnotes a social media reel from a popular
pro-Palestinian commentator.

 

For her, the response to the petition’s wording has been infuriating. She
believes people are purposely misreading the line about “all forms” of
resistance in order to distract from the core message: While grieving for
Israel, do not ignore the long-standing pain of Palestinians.

 

“The letter leaves no room for misinterpreting the Oct. 7 attacks, which we
call a war crime, with the Palestinian right to resist,” said M, who dreams
of a career in international human-rights law.

 

R has a similar view on the response to the “all forms” line: “I read that
as folks who are colonized don’t owe us an explanation for their
resistance.”

 

As for the controversial “‘Israel’ is not a country” line – it’s not, said
several signatories. And neither is Canada.

 

“We are all people who critique Canada for violent settler colonialism,”
said C, who signed anonymously. She, like others, regularly participates in
Indigenous-led blockades. “I am not picking on Israel for being a colonial
state. I am a settler living in a colonial state. To treat Israel
differently just because they’re Jewish is the definition of
discrimination.”

 

The petition is directed at the Israeli state, not Jews, say these students,
who categorically deny being antisemitic.

 

One of the signatories is a Palestinian with family living in the West Bank:
“I was very proud of the letter when I saw it.”

 

This group of signatories doesn’t regret signing, even though the blowback
was painful. As for any negative repercussions for their careers, students
such as R, M and C say they don’t want to work on Bay Street anyways.

 

Despite all signing on to the same letter, the petition signatories are not
a monolith.

 

Many said they disagreed with the extreme language, but wanted to do
something to support Palestinians.

 

At that moment in time – the third week of October – Israel had not launched
its ground invasion, but more than 3,700 Palestinians had been killed,
according to Gaza’s Hamas-controlled Health Ministry. (That number is now
estimated by Palestinian health authorities to be about 37,000). The
humanitarian crisis was also under way. UN Secretary-General António
Guterres warned of “a dangerous new low,” with water, food, fuel and medical
supplies running out in Gaza.

 

This group of signatories said they worried what Israeli Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu’s promise of “mighty vengeance” would mean for civilians.
They supported a ceasefire and efforts to open humanitarian corridors. And
even though they had issues with some of the petition’s points – including
wording that questioned Israel’s legitimacy – most students believed the
petition would never be made public, so they weren’t concerned about
agreeing with every word. (After the leak, the Abolitionist Organizing
Collective apologized to signees for not clarifying that the petition would
be an open letter.)

 

“I saw it as a way to start a conversation with the dean,” one signee said.
This student – like several – didn’t read the document closely before adding
their name, because they thought it wasn’t supposed to be some “big,
official thing.”

 

For this group, the fallout has been especially devastating.

 

One signatory, who read the document in full for the first time on social
media, recalls feeling nauseous. A friend had texted to say it was online.
By the time the signee logged on, people were posting screenshots of their
personal social accounts and labelling them a terrorist sympathizer.

 

A first-year signee said they read the petition and knew it was
inflammatory, but they wanted to show support for Palestinians. Classmates
were urging each other to show their solidarity. They didn’t think about how
it might affect the school or their Jewish peers.

 

The petition landed in the middle of the summer-position hiring process.
Copies of e-mails viewed by The Globe show that, beginning on Oct. 25,
employers – firms such as Miller Thomson, Aird & Berlis and Cassels Brock &
Blackwell, as well as the Ministry of the Attorney-General – began reaching
out to TMU applicants with concerns about the petition and asked students to
disclose whether they had signed.

 

“While we by no means demand that people outside our Firm agree with our own
values, when recruiting law students who we hope will develop their careers
with us and some of whom will grow to be our senior leaders, we do seek out
people who share our fundamental values,” read an e-mail from Miller
Thomson. “Accordingly, if you have signed this letter or intend to do so, we
would ask that you withdraw your candidacy with us.”

 

Ontario’s Ministry of the Attorney-General said that, given the uncertainty
around who had endorsed the petition, all TMU law students seeking
employment with the ministry would have to sign an attestation “that they
did not sign the letter, either openly or anonymously.”

 

The Globe reached out to the ministry as well as each of the law firms for
comment. Aird & Berlis noted that in the most recent summer student
recruitment round, they hired students from several law schools – including
Lincoln Alexander. Cassels declined to comment and Miller Thomson said it
was committed to fostering a safe and respectful work environment. The
Ministry of the AttorneyGeneral said it followed a procedure that was fair
and transparent.

 

On Bay Street, firm leaders say there was internal pressure from some
partners not to take on any TMU students, because there was no way to know
who had signed anonymously. Some firms were able to avoid the issue because
they hadn’t tapped Lincoln Alexander students for summer interviews, but
those that had were left navigating a minefield.

 

One senior partner in a management role, who is not being named because he
was not authorized to comment publicly, said the feeling was that hiring
Lincoln Alexander students would invite unnecessary risk, both in terms of
upsetting current partners and potentially creating tension with clients:
“No one is going to say this on the record, but of course every name on that
letter is on a list now.”

 

For the students, the ramifications weren’t just jobs.

 

A signatory in her first year had signed up for a mentorship program with
the Crown attorney’s office, but after the petition became public, the
lawyer she had been paired with never wrote back. The program was later
“paused.”

 

She received messages calling her a terrorist supporter. “I have seen the
letter you signed and as a result, I have written to every law firm and
provided them your name and that you support the terrorist group Hamas,”
read one e-mail.

 

Another signatory says she fell into a depression. She was in her early 20s
and less than two months into law school when the saga erupted: “To feel
like everything was over before it even started was really scary.”

 

At Lincoln Alexander, after the petition had been sent to Ms. Young, the
administration went into crisis mode. Senior leaders held an emergency
meeting on Saturday, Oct. 21. On the Monday, the day after the petition went
viral, the law school issued a statement: “We unequivocally condemn the
sentiments of Antisemitism and intolerance expressed in this message.”

 

Signees told The Globe they felt betrayed. As they dealt with being doxxed,
their own school had labelled them as antisemitic, emboldening the people
who were sending them threats.

 

Others felt the administration’s response was grossly inadequate.

 

Jonathan Rosenthal, a criminal defence lawyer, an adjunct professor at
Osgoode Hall Law School and bencher with the law society, co-wrote an open
letter that was signed by about 20 prominent Toronto lawyers, including
Brian Greenspan, Will McDowell and Tom Curry, which expressed “grave
concern” with the response. They were especially struck that the school’s
statement had not discussed consequences. The inboxes of Ms. Young and TMU
president Mohamed Lachemi were inundated with dozens of messages, some of
which demanded the students be immediately expelled.

 

(In November, TMU announced it was bringing in former chief justice of Nova
Scotia, Michael MacDonald – who most recently co-led the Mass Casualty
Commission – to investigate whether the signatories had violated the code of
non-academic conduct. The law school itself did not initiate the
investigation.)

 

But this backlash had its own backlash. More than 700 members of the legal
community published an open letter chastising the “lawyers, law firms and
law schools” who were conflating criticism of the State of Israel with
antisemitism. “This chilling effect on freedom of expression and academic
freedom has the hallmarks of a new McCarthyism.”

 

Meanwhile, in the weeks after the petition, Ms. Young and other school
leaders met with prominent players in the legal community, according to both
interviews with lawyers involved and records obtained through access
requests. The administrators apologized and tried to reassure them that
Lincoln Alexander had a plan to move forward. They also advocated on behalf
of those signatories who had expressed deep regret.

 

About 10 of the regretful signatories had tried to write a letter explaining
themselves and apologizing. In the end, they decided it would only make
things worse.

 

“It felt like it didn’t matter,” one of them said. “No one was listening.”

 

Hours after the Abolitionist Organizing Collective originally shared the
petition with students, a member of the Jewish Law Students’ Association
reposted the link in the club’s group chat. One member of the group recalls
a sinking feeling as she watched more and more of her classmates’ names
appear.

 

“The fact that they started off with Israel is not a real country – they’re
totally invalidating the Jewish experience. And the fact that they were
saying ‘all’ resistance is justified in the context of Oct. 7 – you’re
saying it’s okay to murder innocent Israelis for their cause,” she said. “I
know there are two sides to this and people are getting hurt on both sides.
And I know not everyone is going to have the same views, but Hamas is a
terrorist organization.”

 

This student, like other Jewish students who spoke to The Globe, would only
do so on condition of anonymity. They said they have felt shunned in the
hallways. The rhetoric on campus, they say, is anti-Israeli, and by
extension antisemitic.

 

Joshua Sealy-Harrington, an assistant professor at Lincoln Alexander,
disagrees with that conclusion, and said that a “feeling” that something is
antisemitic is not enough to make it so.

 

“There are plenty of men who are upset by ideas in feminism. They can be
bothered by it. They can say it’s anti-man. No one credibly says that if
some men are upset by feminism that feminism is therefore sexist,” he said.

 

Within TMU, Prof. Sealy-Harrington is a polarizing figure. He is a fierce
anti-Zionist and has been the only faculty member in the law school to
forcefully defend the signatories on social media and in news reports. Some
of his colleagues say the professor inflamed the situation at a time when a
sizable group of signees were trying to move on. Prof. Sealy-Harrington told
The Globe it was “ridiculous” to suggest he was making things worse by
defending “vulnerable students from defamation by their own administration.”

 

In April, he was voted “professor of the year,” although he is leaving the
school. In September, he will be teaching at the University of Windsor’s
faculty of law.

 

For people such as lawyer Adam Wagman, whose firm Howie, Sacks & Henry
cancelled a $75,000 donation to TMU because of the petition, Prof.
SealyHarrington’s views on antisemitism are frustrating.

 

He said that in the past several years, the wider culture has gained a
better grasp of concepts such as anti-racism and microaggressions, and the
idea that the impact of an action on a marginalized group – not the
offender’s intentions – is the most important. So why do non-Jews get to
tell him, a Jewish man, what constitutes antisemitism?

 

“Israel is existential for Jews – period. When there was no Israel, there
was nowhere for Jews to go. And as a result, almost 40 per cent of Jews on
the face of the Earth were killed,” Mr. Wagman said. “This happened during
my parents’ lifetime … When you question the right of Israel to exist, you
question my right to be safe.”

 

Jillian Rogin, an associate professor at the University of Windsor’s law
school and member of the

 

Jewish Faculty Network, rejected the idea that criticism of Israel is
antisemitic.

 

“In my view, criticism of Israel, even if it hurts many Jewish people who
identify with Israel, is a difference of political opinion,” she said. “The
idea that Israel, as a national state, is acting in the interests of Jews
everywhere is very flawed … It’s acting in its own interests.”

 

Prof. Rogin, who is currently working on a PhD about Jewish advocacy and
hate-speech legislation in Canada, said that after the Six-Day War in 1967,
the Israeli State and its supporters actively worked to frame anti-Zionism
as a form of antisemitism in order to shield themselves from scrutiny.
People should not collapse the two, she said.

 

But Osgoode Hall Law School’s Prof. Rosenthal said that even questioning
whether the petition is antisemitic is in and of itself offensive.

 

“Any student who signed that letter committed professional suicide,” he
said. “They will never be hired by the government. They will never be a
judge or gain any prominence in law.”

 

As to whether there is a path forward for those who want to make amends,
Prof. Rosenthal says it’s important to remember that the signees are not
teenagers. They are training to be lawyers, a profession where judgment is
crucial. However, Prof. Rosenthal says he approached Lincoln Alexander and
offered to help any student who wanted to publicly retract their support for
the petition: “No one took me up on that.”

 

(Of the students who spoke to The Globe, none were aware of this offer,
although several said they would not have considered it because Prof.
Rosenthal was leading the public campaign against them.)

 

Lincoln Alexander tried to host its own sessions in an effort to start
rebuilding the community. The school launched a series of “listening
circles” facilitated by Raja Khouri and Jeffrey Wilkinson, the authors of
The Wall Between: What Jews and Palestinians Don’t Want to Know About Each
Other. None of the signatories who spoke to The Globe attended.

 

“Unfortunately, these were happening during the external investigation,” a
first-year signee said. “I think a lot of us wanted to go, but we were
worried that what we may say could be used against us. The school had come
out and said we were antisemitic. So there was a lack of trust.”

 

The Globe sent questions to the administrators at Lincoln Alexander about
the crisis and how it plans to move forward. In an e-mail, Ms. Young – who
is currently on a sabbatical that was previously planned – and interim dean
Graham Hudson wrote that they acknowledge much work needs to be done.

 

“We’re still a young law school but we know there’s tremendous resilience
here that will enable us to continue thriving,” they wrote. “We remain
deeply committed to ensuring that all students, faculty, and staff at the
law school feel supported and experience a sense of belonging and
wellbeing.”

 

With respect to applications, it will likely take another year to assess the
impact. Applicants were up 11.4 per cent for the 2024/25 academic year,
however the deadline was Nov. 1 last year, just as the scandal was
unfolding.

 

TMU would not provide stats on the number of students who secured summer
jobs, but anecdotally, it appears that the majority were able to find one.
Few secured positions on Bay Street, although TMU students are not
necessarily focused on that career track. Some Jewish students who spoke to
The Globe said networks within the legal community have supported them.

 

On May 31, 2024, more than six months after launching his investigation into
whether those who had signed the petition had violated the code of conduct,
Justice MacDonald released his findings: The letter may be troubling and
offensive to many, but it was not antisemitic. He noted that students had
intended to criticize Israel, not Jewish people. He concluded the comments
were protected under the university’s Statement on Freedom of Speech, which
provides students with wide latitude to explore ideas.

 

“The standard is not perfection. Students are entitled to make mistakes, and
even cause harm, without necessarily facing sanctions,” he wrote.

 

As for the administration, Justice MacDonald sharply criticized the school
for publicly labelling the petition as antisemitic – an act he says
contributed to the backlash. (The Globe asked Ms. Young about this and she
indicated that she accepted the findings of the report.) The report did
acknowledge that given the public outcry, administrators felt they needed to
act quickly: “With hindsight, the reaction was understandable, albeit
regrettable.”

 

Prof. Sealy-Harrington said the report “unambiguously vindicates” the
students and those who defended them.

 

For Prof. Rosenthal, the MacDonald report and analysis was deeply flawed and
will not change anyone’s mind. “I think it’s horribly antisemitic. I stand
by what I said … Substitute any minority other than Jews, and none of this
would even be a discussion.”

 

The professional world has also not been satisfied.

 

One prominent leader at a Bay Street firm said the fact that the MacDonald
report found no wrongdoing and didn’t propose even a symbolic punishment –
such as a one-day suspension – has made moving forward difficult.

 

James Noronha, who was the president of the law school’s student society
this past year, said it’s important to remember that the MacDonald report
didn’t give the signatories a free pass.

 

“He said it didn’t meet the definition of breaching the code of conduct, but
it also says there were deep flaws in the advocacy that was put forward and
we need to learn from it,” Mr. Noronha said. “I think the report reflects
that two things can be true at once: You can be within the code of conduct,
and actions can be well-intentioned, but it can still cause harm.”

 

Mr. Noronha, who just graduated from Lincoln Alexander, came to TMU as a
mature student. He had spent 17 years working with the Special Olympics and
has pursued a career in disability law. During the crisis, he served as a
sounding board for students on all sides.

 

“People want a say, they want to speak, but the listening part is really
hard. At the same time everyone has been speaking in these absolutes,” he
said. “They’d like to see action from the school, from the students, from
the legal community, professors, and I get that. But over the course of the
year, the thing you realize is there are not perfect actions or perfect
words for every moment.”



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