An article in the latest Foreign Affairs suggests that there may be significant 
potential for developing an antiwar movement in the US, one which could draw in 
Trump voters as well as progressives opposed to the country's huge and wasteful 
military budget and its failed interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan, and 
elsewhere.

Republican and Democratic party elites are misreading both US power and the 
mood of the US public in hewing to the post–Cold War bipartisan consensus that 
US imperialism can police the world, write Dan Caldwell and Reid Smith, two 
Republican analysts with the Koch-sponsored non-governmental organization Stand 
Together.

"In the post-pandemic era, the U.S. economy has struggled with inflation, 
undermining voters’ willingness to subsidize wealthy allies and fund foreign 
wars in perpetuity. More urgently, the U.S. military continues to face 
recruiting challenges, and much of its essential equipment is worn down after 
nearly 25 years of high-intensity operations. It has nearly exhausted its 
stockpiles of critical munitions and weapons in its support of Ukraine and 
partners in the Middle East. The United States’ limited industrial capacity 
makes these stockpiles difficult to replenish’, they write.

Caldwell and Smith are not intent on building a mass antiwar movement but 
reflect the view of strategists in both parties who have seen a need since the 
Obama administration to concentrate limited US economic and military resources 
on confronting China. "The United States should militarily retrench from 
regions in which American interests are less pronounced, such as Europe and the 
Middle East, especially when the United States’ current responsibilities can be 
outsourced to relatively wealthy and capable allies in those regions who have 
more at stake....The United States should ask allies in East Asia to shoulder 
similarly heightened levels of responsibility in order to manage competition 
with China through strategic balancing rather than a security spiral that could 
easily end in a full-on war."

Without referring to Trump’s declared intention to appoint militarists like 
Gaetz, Hegseth, and Rubio to key positions in his administration they 
anticipate that "Trump’s victory will no doubt accelerate a debate that was 
already roiling the Republican Party between conventional hawks and proponents 
of a more restrained, 'America first' foreign policy”.

As for the broad US electorate, "domestic issues such as immigration and 
inflation were their main concerns, these priorities reflect—and were driven 
by—their shifting attitudes toward American foreign policy. Indeed, foreign 
policy proved a decisive issue for key communities in crucial swing states. In 
the aftermath of the United States’ post-9/11 foreign policy disasters, an 
increasing number of Americans oppose their country’s heavy reliance on the use 
of military force to achieve its foreign policy objectives.

"Harris’s attempt to out-hawk Trump on foreign policy did not deliver her an 
electoral boost. It now appears more likely that her association with the 
Cheneys and her tacit approval of Biden’s generous material support to Israel 
alienated more key voters than it reassured.”

Caldwell and Smith conclude that “if the U.S. policymaking class could more 
broadly agree that the United States has overreached in its foreign policy and 
must correct course, that would help ensure that the country does not repeat 
the deadly mistakes of the last 20 years.”

It remains to be seen whether changing elite opinion is wishful thinking, but 
there is compelling evidence that “the most recent election strongly suggests 
that this course correction is what American voters want."


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