The Time-Honored Tradition of Blaming the Left for Democratic Defeats

This argument is particularly unconvincing this time around. And it doesn’t 
offer a realistic prescription for future success.
The Time-Honored Tradition of Blaming the Left for Democratic Defeats

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The Time-Honored Tradition of Blaming the Left for Democratic Defeats

Kate Aronoff

This argument is particularly unconvincing this time around. And it doesn’t 
offer a realistic prescription for f...
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The Democratic Party is looking for a scapegoat for its disastrous 2024 
election performance. As ever, no shortage of pundits and party operatives are 
punching left. Democratic Congressman Ritchie Torres accused his colleagues of 
“pandering” to the “far left.” Massachusetts Congressman Seth Moulton scolded 
the party for, apparently, being too considerate of trans kids, whom 
Republicans targeted with at least $17 million worth of ads. “I have two little 
girls,” he told The New York Times for a November 7 story on how the party was 
relating to its losses. “I don’t want them getting run over on a playing field 
by a male or formerly male athlete. But as a Democrat, I’m supposed to be 
afraid to say that.”

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Devastated Democrats Play the Blame Game, and Stare at a Dark Future

In interviews, lawmakers and strategists tried to explain Kamala Harris’s 
defeat, pointing to misinformation, th...
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As journalist Dan Denvir wrote before the election, Democrats this cycle fell 
back on an old playbook of trying to outflank Republicans on immigration. They 
championed a bill chock-full of the right’s preferred policies, like expanding 
ICE detention capacity and restricting asylum, then campaigned on the fact that 
the GOP voted it down when Trump told them to. Having previously called Trump’s 
border wall a “medieval vanity project,” Harris then pledged to spend hundreds 
of billions of dollars building it. As Denvir writes, “Given the choice to 
pander to reactionaries or shore up the party’s left wing, Democrats tend to 
prioritize the former. The result is a dangerous asymmetric polarization: 
Republicans radicalize on immigration, while Democratic elites chase after 
them. The ‘normal’ position on immigration moves ever rightward.”

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Do Border | Daniel Denvir

This is the state of American immigration politics: a destructive competition 
over who can do border better. But...
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Harris flip-flops on building the border wall

Alex Thompson,Hans Nichols

It's the latest example of Harris flip-flopping on past liberal positions.
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Orienting the party toward winning over particular sets of so-called moderates 
every four years seems unlikely to help the end goal of building a durable 
governing majority—yet that’s precisely what Democrats have done. As Senate 
Majority Leader Chuck Schumer put it before Trump was elected, “For every 
blue-collar Democrat we lose in western Pennsylvania, we will pick up two 
moderate Republicans in the suburbs in Philadelphia, and you can repeat that in 
Ohio and Illinois and Wisconsin.” Harris—who tacked right on immigration, 
campaigned with Liz Cheney, and boasted about booming oil and gas 
production—proceeded to lose all of the states Schumer mentioned except for 
Illinois. Roughly the same number of registered Republicans voted for her as 
had voted for Biden in 2020.
It’s entirely possible that Harris still wouldn’t have won if she’d listened 
more to progressive interest groups’ messaging advice; she might even have done 
worse. That’s partly because the Democratic Party’s problem isn’t messaging so 
much as the fact that its highest-profile leaders (including Harris) don’t seem 
to believe anything they say—centrist, progressive, or otherwise.

There’s no easy way out of this bind. Continuing to tack right, blame the left, 
and then tack even farther right as a corrective—hemorrhaging reliable 
Democratic constituencies along the way—doesn’t seem like a promising solution. 
If the Democratic Party is to have any kind of future, it can’t just keep doing 
battle on fields Republicans choose; voters who want to vote for the GOP’s 
positions will vote for the GOP. Democrats will need to convince ever-growing 
majorities why it’s better to be governed by them every single year, at all 
levels of government—not just why the alternative is scarier. To do that 
they’ll have to influence public opinion rather than just respond to it.


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